Obama Propaganda Books Your Child Is Expected To Read

Obama Propaganda Books Your Child Is Expected To Read

Obama’s speech to the children of the land looms on September 8th. Many in the public are rightly wary of the teaching material, designed by the White House to assist kids in exploring most things Obama. Trust me, the speech itself will be a flowery, encouraging, innocuous sentiment from the Prez. Obama supporters will say the controversy is much ado about nothing. Nothing could be further from the truth.

The White House had to scratch a line from the required teaching materials today; students now won’t have to determine how they can best help Obama. DOE officials and the administration are hoping that this small bone will placate the critics. What they AREN’T publicizing, however, is the fact that your kids are expected to read propaganda books about Obama as a complement to the big talk.

Here is a look at 2 of them: Barack Obama: Son Of Promise, Child Of Hope and another titled simply Barack. Try to keep your lunch down.

obamabooksonofpromise

Barack Obama: Son Of Promise, Child of Hope is full of gems like this:

“His mama, white as whipped cream; his daddy, black as ink…”

“He was there in Chicago because he cared about these people. They were his family. People in Kenya were his family. Indonesians were his family. And no matter where he was, the world was his home. And who he was could be summed up in one word: loveable.”

Lord, help us all. Here are some more from this great reason to home-school:

When Barack wasn’t studying he liked to jog along the Hudson River. He couldn’t help but notice the river of hurt and hate and history that separated blacks and whites. Being both, he could not take sides. Don’t worry, said Hope. I will be your bridge. In time you will be the bridge for others.

Reverend Wright gets a nod, as his is the only Chicago church Obama ever attended:

When his classes came to an end, he raced to Chicago to join hands with the church, to learn new lessons: Not how to be black or white, but how to be a healer, how to change things, how to make a difference in the world.

A healer who paid his dues as a Community Organizer.

The work was grueling, with stretches of failure, and puny patches of success. Door-to-door Barack went, early mornings, late nights, pleading and preaching, coaxing strangers to march together, to make life better for everyone. He worked hard as a farmer, planting the words “Yes, we can!” like seeds in spring.

His dead father gave The One his blessing:

Before Barack chased his future, he visited his past, traveling to Kenya to find his family, his father’s bones, and his own place in the circle of Africa…Finally, Barack knelt in the soil at his father’s grave, listening to the still, small voice that spoke to his heart: Go now. Fly free. Become the man you were meant to be. Live in hope.

So, Dear Obama began his ministry of Hope.

One sun-drenched day, as his wife Michelle stood by, Barack smiled on a sea of faces from Wichita to Waikiki. He saw whites and blacks, rich and poor, Christians and Muslims and Jews; he saw the ghosts of his parents, of Gramps and Toot, of Martin Luther King, Jr. and JFK. And on that special day Barack was the bridge that held them all together. “I want to be your president,” he said. “Can we make America better? Can we work together, as one?” With a single voice the crowd called out, “Yes! We can!”

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Blind Dumb Luck, or the Highest Connections?

Blind Dumb Luck, or the Highest Connections?

By: Peter Chamberlin

I have been wanting to write this article since the start of the first Gulf War, but until the government gave us the Internet, that was impossible. I want to thank the eggheads in the government who thought that giving the people access to this powerful intelligence tool was a good idea.

The story revolves around an old Texaco refinery in southern Illinois, where I was working at the time. While doing research on this refinery and the pre-war timeline, I uncovered some fairly convincing circumstantial evidence which suggests that the Bush Administration had foreknowledge of the war with Iraq and quite possibly implicates Halliburton in causing that war.  (Sperry-sun provided the subterranean guidance to “unbalanced drills” that probably slant-drilled into Iraqs Rumaila field.  Kuwaiti oil reservoirs and production shot through the roof in 1990, provoking Saddam to act.)

FireShot Pro capture #101 - 'Kuwait Economy' - www_historycentral_com_nationbynation_Kuwait_Economy_html

In 1989 and 1990 I travelled all over the eastern US, working for a cooling tower repair company, out of New Jersey. The first job that the company sent me to was in 1988, to United Refinery, in Warren, Pa.

warren refinery

It seemed like everywhere we went that next spring we passed long convoys of Army trucks, all packed full of soldiers. This went-on throughout the summer, culminating in a spectacular display of practice bombing runs by F16s on the old Indian (Texaco) refinery in Lawrenceville, Illinois in late July.

View Indian Refinery, Lawrenceville, Il. in a larger map

LawrencevilleRefineryPhoto

The shut-down Indian Refinery was being brought out of mothballs by the same wealthy investor who had recently purchased parent company United Refinery. With uncanny, almost clairvoyant insight, the new owner, John Catsimatidis (presently challenging Bloomburg for Mayor of New York), invested $7.5 million in the two refineries at a point in time where the oil market had bottomed out.

FireShot Pro capture #102 - 'oilprice1947_gif (GIF Image, 800x600 pixels)' - www_wtrg_com_oil_graphs_oilprice1947_gif

It was almost as if the new owner had some hot tip, or insider connections that let him know that the demand for increased American refinery capacity was about to go through the roof.

The research led me to the inescapable conclusion that the man had some very serious connections and potentially even had access to the very highest “insider” information which said very clearly, invest in oil refining.

Jac_BushSenior_195 Mr. Catsimatidis and Pres. Bush

John and George became acquaintances around 1988, when Catsimatidis was heading the Chapel Building Committee for Camp David. This photo and this statement are taken from John’s website. As far as I could see, this is the only publicly known connection, although Catsimatidis is a very public friend of the Clintons.

United Refining (owned by United Acquisitions, which was owned by the Red Apple Group, owned by Catsimatidis) was able to bring Indian Refinery online because of some sort of environmental waivers, it was a Superfund clean-up site (the reason Texaco had shut it down). United purchased the Illinois site out of bankruptcy proceedings, involving previous investors who had tried to purchase the site from Star Enterprises (a merger of Texaco’s assets in eastern US and Saudi Aramco). The Warren refinery received another federal environmental waiver in 2001, allowing it to claim economic “hardship,” letting the company ignore federal sulfur standards in the fuel it sells.

This information seemed to confirm my original suspicions about this seemingly serendipitous nature of this investment gamble. The excitement in the air over the cooling towers of Indian Refinery is the peculiarity that tends to cement my suspicions about government connections and foreknowledge. Around the 15th of July, 1990, we started seeing daily practice bombing runs carried-out by F16s on the cooling tower we were working on. For several days, we were the anticipated “enemy,” as we were strafed with imaginary bullets, over and over.

Surely, such a potentially hazardous targeting of an American refinery required the consent of the site’s owner, or at least the knowledge on the part of the government that the owner would look the other way, barring some catastrophic accident. Two plus two (foreknowledge and compliance) smelled like “four,” four being the symbolic “rat” in the equation.

The events of that summer, culminating in Saddam Hussein’s Aug. 2 invasion of Kuwait, were pregnant with other suspicious clues that the Bush Administration and many of their oil company friends knew firsthand that there was a military/economic storm set through the Middle East and then wash over the world stage.

On February 8, 1990: General Schwarzkopf Warned Congress on the Importance of Middle East Oil, saying in testimony before the Senate Committee on Armed Services:

“Middle East oil is the West’s lifeblood. It fuels us today and being 77 percent of the Free World’s proven oil reserves, is going to fuel us when the rest of the world has run dry…. Our allies are even more dependent on Middle East oil. Japan gets almost two-thirds of its oil from the area while our allies in Europe import over one quarter.”

In February 1990, the Washington Centre for Strategic and International Studies advised Saddam to adopt a more aggressive stance in OPEC, and demand lower oil output and higher prices to offset Iraq’s economic problems. The Americans suggested a target price of $25 a barrel, even though they knew that this proposal was bound to increase tensions with Kuwait, a low-cost, high-quota oil producer. The Iraqis took the American advice, and when Iraqi minister Saddoun Hammadi demanded higher prices in July, he proposed $25 a barrel. Sure enough, the Kuwaitis protested, precipitating rows over oil quotas and prices which culminated in the Iraqi invasion. In a meeting with the US charge d’affaires Joseph Wilson on 5 August 1990, days after the invasion, Saddam told the Americans You did this. We accepted $25 a barrel.

Lead elements of the 800th and 143rd Military Police Battalion began mobilizing in January, shipping-out for Saudi Arabia in early February. They began preparations for an anticipated 100,000 Iraqi prisoners of war. Toreador Sword, taking place in late June, or early July, was a rehearsal where specialists in intra-prison psychological warfare (for control and indoctrination) from the 13th Psychological Operations Battalion joined the MPs, where they practiced setting-up and running two large EPW camps at Ft. A. P. Hill in Virginia.

Internal Look followed on the heels of “Toreador Sword 90,”

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(The 800th MP Brigade is out of Long Island, notorious for Abu Gharib. )

“From 20-28 July 1990 CENTCOM conducted the INTERNAL LOOK 90 command post exercise to examine new Operational Plan (OPLAN) 1002, ‘Defense of the Arabian Peninsula,’ to validate operational and logistical support concepts.”

Just like the second terror attacks of 9/11 and 7/7, the Gulf war began right in the middle of war games, which were actually rehearsing the exact scenario that was being practiced:

As the exercise unfolded, the real-world movements of Iraq’s air and ground forces eerily paralleled the scripted scenario of the war game. So closely did actual intelligence reports resemble the fictional exercise messages, the latter had to be prominently stamped ‘Exercise Only.’ During the last few days of INTERNAL LOOK, Saddam Hussein’s forces invaded and captured Kuwait on 2 August 1990.”

This compilation of multiple incriminating facts causes one to ponder whether the infamous Iraqi oil field maps presented to Cheney’s oil task force weren’t produced for the first gulf war, dusted-off and reused, as well.

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peter.chamberlin@naharnet.com

Blackwater not operating in Pakistan: Malik

[I cannot tell them apart.  Pakistan is heading to the same conclusion.]

Pkpolitics-RehmanMalik2923 http://mysite.verizon.net/jimroth/uploaded_images/BagBob-749336.JPG

Blackwater not operating in Pakistan: Malik

* Political disputes should be resolved through negotiation
* Kazmi’s staff might have tipped off assailants

LAHORE/ISLAMABAD: Blackwater is not operating in Pakistan, we have our own system, rules and regulations and will not allow any body to operate from here, Interior Minister Rehman Malik said on Thursday.

Talking to a private TV channel, he said the government would not compromise on the country’s sovereignty and reports regarding the increase in number of US marines were baseless.

He said the US, China and Turkey had applied for extra land for expanding their embassies in Islamabad, but the US embassy had neither applied for grant of additional visa to more Marines, nor had Pakistan permitted them to increase the number of Marines in the embassy.

Disputes: Another private channel quoted the minister as saying that political disputes should be resolved within the country through negotiation and “we should not involve other countries in politics”.

Malik said he had not discussed any political matter, such as the trial of former president Gen (r) Pervez Musharraf with the Saudi leadership during his visit to Saudi Arabia. He said a strong democratic system could prevent any dictator from coming into power in the future.

The minister urged political parties to take initiatives for the welfare of the people instead of criticising each other. He said the country needed reconciliation to meet the challenges it faced.

Tip-off: Separately, talking to reporters after visiting Religious Affairs Minister Hamid Saeed Kazmi in hospital, Malik said he suspected that some members of Kazmi’s personal staff might be involved in Wednesday’s attempt on the minister’s life. He said support to the attackers from an “insider” could not be ruled out.

“In such targeted attacks, the assailants carry out the attack on the basis of information provided by someone close to the target. There is a possibility that an official in the ministry with links to terrorists is involved,” he said.

He said Kazmi’s security guards and several other ministry officials were being interrogated and authorities had rounded up several suspects in connection with the incident.

Malik said two pistols and a Kalashinkov rifle had been recovered from the crime scene.

The interior minister said Kazmi had requested a bullet-proof vehicle following threats to his life, but the government could not fulfil his demand as it only had a limited number of such vehicles. “Only seven or eight ministers have bullet-proof vehicles. I myself travel in a privately hired bullet-proof car,” he said.

However, Malik said, President Asif Ali Zardari had ordered the import of several new bullet-proof vehicles in order to ensure security for important personalities. He said all efforts would be made to apprehend the culprits. tahir niaz/daily times monitor/app

US consensus on Afghanistan begins to crumble

US consensus on Afghanistan begins to crumble

WASHINGTON: Weeks from President Barack Obama’s expected move to send more troops to Afghanistan, the consensus behind the US commitment there is crumbling as some raise the specter of a new Vietnam.

A growing number of experts doubt that the war can be won, while even Obama, who has already dispatched an additional 21,000 reinforcements there, contemplates a further troop increase and completes a strategic review.

On the campaign trail last year, Obama portrayed the war in Afghanistan as the only useful conflict in the war against terrorism. As president, he has called it a “war of necessity.”

In March, the Obama administration redefined the war’s goals, focusing on fighting al-Qaeda and its supporters while demonstrating willingness to boost its military effort against a growing insurgency.

On the ground, the situation continues to deteriorate, with August the deadliest month for US forces since the war began in October 2001.

“It’s a new strategy. It’s the first one — and I recognise we’ve been there over eight years,” Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Michael Mullen told NBC television in August.

“But I also want to say that this is the first time we’ve really resourced a strategy on both the civilian and military side. So in certain ways, we are starting anew.”

Mullen, the top US military officer, has been calling for fighting the “culture of poverty” deemed to favor the Taliban.

“But that (fight against poverty) took decades in just a few square miles of the South Bronx,” countered George Will, a conservative columnist writing in The Washington Post who has called for the United States to “get out” of Afghanistan.

Wesley Clark, the former commander of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, worried about the course of the conflict.

“The similarities to Vietnam are ominous,” Clark wrote in the New York Daily News.

“There, too, an insurgency was led and supported from outside the borders of the state in which our troops were fighting. There, too, sanctuaries across international borders stymied US military efforts,” the retired general said. “There, too, broader political-strategic considerations weighed against military expansion of the conflict and forecast further struggles in the region.”

Michael O’Hanlon, an expert who favours Obama’s offensive strategy in Afghanistan, said critics need to better understand the strategy and developments on the ground.

“All they hear now is word of casualties, of our added troops making no difference so far, of (incumbent President Hamid) Karzai trying to steal the election, et cetera,” O’Hanlon said.

“In Vietnam, we lost 5,000 or more Americans a year and the Vietnamese lost hundreds of thousands. In Afghanistan, we are losing 200 to 300 a year and the Afghans are losing a few thousand,” the Brookings Institution analyst told AFP. “However there is one disturbing parallel: the corruption in the respective indigenous governments and their general weakness.”

In his commentary, Wesley Clark also drew a dire comparison. As in Vietnam, “American public support slid away over time as our engagement ratcheted up and casualties mounted,” Clark said. Nearly six in 10 Americans are opposed to the Afghanistan war, according to a CNN/Opinion Research Corporation poll released this week.

A new front awaits Obama over the next few weeks in Congress, where dissonant voices are heard among fellow majority Democrats.

Obama, for now, enjoys support from a wide array of lawmakers, military officers and commentators. But all agree that the US task in Afghanistan is not only immense, but also immensely uncertain.

Saudis ‘must offer Shia equality’

Saudi Shia women walk past a portrait of Imam Hussein in Qatif

Saudi Shia complain they are not allowed to have their own mosques

A report by the Human Rights Watch pressure group has detailed what it says is systematic discrimination in Saudi Arabia against Shia Muslims.

Unfavourable treatment of minority Shia extends from education and employment to the justice system, leading to a big increase in sectarian tension, it says.

They comprise 10 to 15% of the Saudi population, and have long complained of being treated as second-class citizens.

Human Rights Watch wants a government commission to tackle the problem.

Saudi Arabia follows the puritanical form of Sunni Islam known as Wahhabism, and many Wahhabi clerics regard Shia Muslims as unbelievers.

Equal opportunities

The report focuses on an incident in February, when Shia pilgrims in the holy city of Medina clashed with religious police.

This led to Shia demonstrations in the Eastern Province followed by the arrest of a number of the protestors.

Shias want equal opportunities in government and the military as well as freedom of worship.

They want to be able to build their own mosques, have their civil courts granted more power and to print their own religious books.

Human Rights Watch says that a government commission should explore the sharing of holy places among Muslims of differing creeds, especially in Mecca and Medina.

The BBC’s Middle East analyst, Roger Hardy, says that there are both internal and external factors in relation to discrimination against Shia Muslims in Saudi Arabia.

In addition to its puritanical Wahhabi stance, Saudi Arabia has been affected by the rise of sectarianism in the Middle East as a whole, associated with events in neighbouring Iraq and the regional role of predominantly Shia Iran, our analyst says.

Although the Saudi monarch, King Abdullah, has tried to promote greater religious tolerance, Human Rights Watch says that much more needs to be done if the Shia are to be treated as equal citizens.

Not one penny has reached Gaza

Not one penny has reached Gaza

Omar Karmi , The National
Many structures in Gaza, such as the parliament building, are still in rubble.
Many structures in Gaza, such as the parliament building, are still in rubble.

It has been six months since the international community pledged nearly US$5 billion in aid to the Palestinian people, chiefly for the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip after Israel’s devastating offensive there this year.

None of this aid has reached Gaza and no reconstruction has started.

Although Israel is slowly easing its restrictions on the flow of basic humanitarian goods to Gaza, including food and medicine, construction materials remain prohibited from entering, institutions and homes still lie in rubble, and critically needed projects to repair and upgrade Gaza’s power plant and tottering sewage network lie dormant.

The situation is frustrating to development agencies and experts. Two weeks ago, the UN was forced to issue another emergency appeal for funds for Gazans. The UN’s Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), which provides aid and education to Palestinian refugees, decried the condition of Gaza’s refugees as “shameful”. Numbering one million, refugees make up about 70 per cent of the total population in Gaza; and UNRWA asked for $181 million to help it through the rest of the year in a special Ramadan appeal.

Of the billions of dollars pledged for reconstruction by the international community, UNRWA noted in a press release on August 17, “not one penny” has reached Gaza, and reconstruction has proven to be a “mirage”. The humanitarian situation in Gaza, according to the UN, “remains precarious”.

That such serious humanitarian disasters as a cholera epidemic did not emerge in Gaza, said William Corcoran, the president of the American Near East Refugee Aid agency, (Anera) is partly down to “dumb luck”.

“We expected more serious health scares but thankfully they haven’t occurred,” Mr Corcoran said in an interview last week. “This is partly because sewage pipes have not yet burst into the streets. But they are at the stage where that can happen at any moment.”

In Gaza, Anera is a partner to USAID, the official US aid agency, and is supposed to repair and upgrade most of Gaza’s aged and faulty sewage system. That project – like all the projects, including construction of a seaport and the reopening of the airport, agreed to in the US-brokered 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access – has yet to get off the ground.

Mr Corcoran was keen to highlight the projects Anera has been able to implement in Gaza, including food and medicine deliveries, a programme to provide fresh milk to Gazan preschoolers and the reconstruction of 18 preschools using materials recycled from the destruction wrought in the Gaza war, but he admitted to frustration at the kind of projects Anera is now pursuing.

In the West Bank, he said, Anera helped establish four IT institutes affiliated to four different universities. In Gaza, while plans have been laid for a similar project, Anera’s newest project involved buying shoes for children. “We are forced to lower our expectations for what we can do.”

At heart, the problem is political. The expertise is there, whether with such agencies as the UN and Anera, or with local NGOs affiliated to those international bodies. The money has been pledged even if it has yet to be delivered. The statement from UNRWA noted that, pledges apart, the largest Arab donation to date had been a $34m contribution from the emir of Kuwait.

But what Mr Corcoran calls the “political stalemate” – whether in international efforts to pressure Israel to lift its siege on Gaza, which has been in place for more than two years, or in Palestinian reconciliation efforts – has stymied efforts to begin reconstruction in Gaza.

The latter is crucial in establishing a mechanism for distributing aid to Gaza. International sanctions on official contacts with Hamas tie the hands of agencies dealing with Gaza authorities. International funding, under the current proscriptions, cannot end up in the hands of Hamas, and even a clear commitment by Hamas, offered repeatedly over the past months, will not dissuade the international community from this stance.

The result is that international aid efforts are being channelled through the Palestinian Authority led by Mahmoud Abbas. As emphasised yesterday by Nabil Shaath, a senior aide to Mr Abbas, in a press conference in Ramallah, there will be no reconstruction of the Gaza Strip until there is a unity agreement between Fatah and Hamas.

Even then, however, the international community must still pressure Israel to lift the siege, aid organisations said. The destruction of the war in January aside, the greatest damage has been done not by bombs but by isolation. Unable to rebuild or improve, two years of sanctions have undermined the economy and infrastructure. According to a July survey by the Palestine Trade Centre, 95 per cent of industries in Gaza have had to shut as a result of sanctions and 120,000 private sector employees have been laid off.

Waziristan: Still the Thorn in the Empire’s Side

WAZIRISTAN: Recessional

Monday, Jan. 05, 1948

Technically, Waziristan is a country. It is also the scene of one of Britain’s most dogged (and futile) essays in civilization. A ragged parallelogram of 5,200 square miles of barren territory, it is tucked away at the southwest corner of the North West Frontier, at a point where the Punjab and Kashmir reach out toward Afghanistan and Baluchistan. It is inhabited by various tribes who, finding their land too poor for a decent standard of living, have for years supported themselves by raids on their less impoverished neighbors . Z-Day. Said Sir Denys Bray, British Foreign Secretary, in 1923: “Come what may, civilization must be made to penetrate these inaccessible mountains or we must admit that there is no solution to the Waziristan problem.”

So far, there has been none. The British built a fortress at Ramzak and managed to enforce a semblance of order by punitive expeditions and judicious bribery. But the Wazir chieftain, the Fakir of Ipi, also known as “the Firebrand,”kept a holy war going against the British. Every year, when the tribesmen drove their sheep into

Kashmir to graze, the British actually induced them to check their weapons at collection centers. Theoretically, the new state of Pakistan was to take over Fort Ramzak and the Waziristan problem. Pakistan had neither the money nor the enlightened stubbornness to cope with them. Tribesmen had already passed armed into Kashmir, killed hundreds there (TIME, Nov. 10) .

Just before Christmas, an army of 5,000 Pakistanis, led by 13 British officers, withdrew from Ramzak. Correspondent Douglas Brown of London’s Daily Telegraph was there and sent a remarkable report to his paper . Excerpts :

“Z-Day, the date of departure, had been kept a close secret. . . . Tanks, armoured cars, lorries, mule trains, mountain artillery . . . moved in good order [marking]thebeginningofaneleven-day march. . . . Almost every yard of the 70-mile road . . . will bring the hazard of ambush by tribesmen who are still under the influence of the Fakir of Ipi. . . .

“Ramzak . . . was intended … to pacify the tribesmen once and for all. . . . All it has succeeded in doing . . . was to tie up between 5,000 and 9,000 Indian and British troops in a beleaguered fortress. … All the same … to have spent the last few days behind its doomed defenses was to fall inevitably into nostalgic and melancholy mood. Ramzak was a challenging flight of military fancy. … It was called ‘the largest monastery in the world.’ . . . No [European] woman has ever been within 60 miles, except the six ENSA [British USO] girls, who arrived for one night in June 1944, and left their high-heeled footprints in the soft cement outside the Brigade Headquarters mess. This monument remains, to the puzzlement of the tribesmen…

The Dead Remained. “Yet even yesterday, when the last troops had disappeared . . . the great camp . . . had still a lingering civilized appearance. The trees looked as beautiful as ever in the sparkling morning air and chrysanthemums were blooming in the gardens. The church . . . was still undesecrated. The British graveyard, where 120 British dead had been left behind, was neat and trim. The glass gleamed in the windows of the . . . barracks which are like rows of suburban villas. Some chimneys were smoking with their last fires. The cinema was there, with the announcement of In Which We Serve still flapping against its wall. . . .”