‘CIA, ISI fomenting trouble in northeast’

‘CIA, ISI fomenting trouble in northeast’


SHILLONG: A former top brass of the Intelligence Bureau has accused the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the ISI of fomenting trouble in the northeast through insurgency.

“The ISI-CIA combination, active in the region, is fomenting insurgency to destabilize the region,” said the retired official, who didn’t wish to be named. He added that the ISI was helping northeast militants to create trouble and the CIAis providing support. Both CIA and ISI are working to create terrorist groups in the world,” he added.

Stating that the CIA-ISI combine was providing “logistics” to the ultras of the region, he said, “We can stop this if we go for overall development of the northeast.” He said “some neighbouring countries” were harbouring NE militants by providing them a safe haven for setting up of training camps.

Stating that he had proof to buttress his claim, he said at least 50 camps, belonging to Tripura-based outfits like NLFT and ATTF, were present in Bangladesh. “However, there has been a sea change in the situation with the change of guard in Dhaka,” he added.

The international border with Bangladesh should be completely sealed and the strength of BSFpersonnel guarding the frontiers should be increased, he said. He added that modernization of the police force in all northeastern states should be taken up on a war-footing.

The former IB official said the primary cause of militancy was lack of development. “Police should be viewed as a trustworthy friend by people and terror to criminals,” he added. He added that victory in combating insurgency could be ensured by winning the hearts and minds of the common people.

Mexican Zetas Receiving Advanced Training from Former Colombian Special Forces

The sign of the ‘Zetas’ is coached by former Colombian military


'Zetas', coached by Colombian military

The shootings became commonplace The last attack of ‘Los Zetas’ was in August at a nightclub

Photo: AFP

Four former members of Army Special Forces working with the Mexican cartel.

Since different banks and cross-purposes, the drug war in Mexico has many Colombians starring experts in combat and intelligence.

While dozens of Colombian police train their peers to face Aztec’s powerful drug barons, several former military officers are advising one of the most powerful and bloodthirsty of the country: ‘The Zetas’ . These are former Mexican military to provide security went from bosses to form their own cartel.

International intelligence agencies and authorities in Colombia followed the trail of a group of former members of Army Special Forces who literally rode a criminal training agency by ‘friends’ of the past.

Classified information known by the time and supported by several studies indicates that two retired-captains also paid military jail sentence of Ptolemais (‘Four balls’) for human-rights cases would be related to several of the killings and terrorist attacks executed by the ‘Zetas’ in the North American country.

Her right hands are two retired NCOs, also Special Forces, which record frequent trips between Mexico, the United States and several cities in Colombia . One of them regularly visit a renowned art gallery in northern Bogota.

The identities of those soldiers are being withheld because there is still no formal proceedings against him. But the authorities to follow their trail, the DEA and police in Mexico and Colombia-are clear that the contacts with their Mexican counterparts began a course of rangers called for officers of various Latin American countries in the 90. Years later, ended up convicted Colombian and Mexican justice, recruited by ‘the Zetas.

In 2005, after paying his sentence in Colombia, former Special Forces members came to the United States and in contact with the Mexicans.According to the sources of this newspaper, since 2006 those are at the forefront of training in command and intelligence operations of the bloody poster.

In 2007, the newspaper El Universal, Mexico, spoke of the presence of several Colombian military had criminal trouble and ended up selling their expertise in weapons mafia lords abroad.

In 2008 the business was already known

In September 2008, TIME interviewed one of ‘Los Zetas’ in Tijuana and this ensured that the best they had was “several military training Special Forces of Colombia.” Recruiters also said gunmen.

Presence in other countries

Mercenaries in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya

The training and experience of the Colombian military that has been listed on the international market of the war.

Many experts in counter-men with spears courses, parachute command and have ended up working as mercenaries in Asia and Africa.

All, seeking better pay, have traveled to fight foreign wars through international security agencies.

NATO Trainers Conducting Border-Crossing Workshop In Azerbaijan

NATO to hold regional workshop in Baku


NATO to hold regional workshop in Baku

Azerbaijan, Baku, Oct. 17 /  M.Aliyev

NATO will hold a regional workshop in Azerbaijan on combating drug smuggling through the border crossings, Azerbaijani State Border Service Head Elchin Guliyev said at an event dedicated to the 20th anniversary of restoration of Azerbaijan’s independence.

“NATO appealed to Azerbaijan with a proposal to hold in Baku the regional workshop on combating drug trafficking through border checkpoints,” Guliyev said.

He said the workshop with the participation of border guards of Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan is scheduled for November.

Guliyev said the Azerbaijani State Border Service’ experience is studied at the international level upon NATO’s initiative.

US Army Troops Mass Adjacent To N. Waziristan, Seal Border

US Army moves to Afghan border with NWA

KABUL: U.S Army has deployed thousands of soldiers in Afghan areas bordering Pakistan’s North Waziristan Agency (NWA), Geo news reported.

The U.S. Army Sunday deployed troops in thousands accompanied by heavy weapons and explosives including helicopters in Afghan areas adjoining to North Waziristan. Pak-Afghan border has been sealed for all sorts of movement at the border.

Afghan and U.S. officials have slapped curfew at Garbaz area of Khost province and conducted house-to-house search, which continued fro the whole day.

Pakistani security officials and local sources told that the U.S. Army entered in the area in the night between Saturday and Sunday and camped themselves at the nearby hills besides setting up the checkpoints.

Overwhelming Osh

OSH, Kyrgyzstan — This is a beautiful city. It doesn’t quite appear so on first glance, with the shattered asphalt on the streets, the open gutters gushing runoff and choked with discarded plastic bottles, the occasional burned out husk of a building, crumbling facades, mostly older and used cars belching diesel fumes, and the occasional waft of trash or cow dung baking in the afternoon sun. But Osh is gorgeous: leafy, gregarious, and persistent.

As a newcomer to this part of Kyrgyzstan, I spent much of the day today getting acquainted with the city: feeling the potholes beneath my feet, letting the sun push sweat out of my forehead and neck and down my back, digesting the many sights and smells of normal life. Osh feels much more Central Asian-y than Bishkek does, perhaps because it’s far, far older and, as a result, contains within it far deeper memories.

I always appreciate the authenticity of immigrant foods in my hometown of Washington, DC, and Osh is no different… only this time Americans are the immigrants. So I ate a “fajita” at Cafe California, nestled next to Osh State University between Lenin Avenue and Kurmanjan-Datka Street. The place was founded by an American, naturally, and so I had to support their business. Lunch was terribly inauthentic, but there was still something weirdly affirming about some boiled chicken, beans, corn, and a big glop of smyetana rolled inside some burned tortillas. Cafe California was downright bustling, and the waitress even allowed for some patience as I struggled to order my food in the pidgin Russian I never maintained after moving out of Karaganda, Kazakhstan eight years ago.

In short order, as I was trudging up and down the streets looking for an ATM that would actually work with my ATM card, I met an Uzbek man who asked me and my fixer where we were from (my fixer is a local, which made the question hilarious, in a way). He wanted to know why I was in Osh. “You’re clearly not from here,” he said, swaying slightly.

Through my fixer, I explained why I had come to Osh: to try to understand what happened last year, during the June Events, as they’re known, and to maybe try to see if there is a way to make things better for the future.

The Uzbek man scoffed. “How can you make this better?” His eyes wandered down the street. “We’ve spent the last year trying to find out who did this to us, and why. But we get no answers, never any answers.”

[The following archival video from CNN is on the "June Events" of last year--editor]

There’s nothing you can say to that. The Uzbek man told a harrowing story: one morning in June, drunk, young Kyrgyz men began running through the streets, shouting and brandishing homemade clubs and weapons, and pounding on the doors to Uzbek neighborhoods, called mahallahs. Some Uzbeks fired guns into the air to warn away the hooligans, he said, but that only resulted in the Kyrgyz later claiming they had to attack the mahallahsto defend themselves from Uzbek aggressors. Provocateurs would shout into Kyrgyz neighborhoods that the Uzbekistan military was about to send ten thousand troops to conquer Osh for the Uzbeks, so Kyrgyz must protect themselves.

The entrance to a mahallah being rebuilt by UNHCR, Osh, KyrgyzstanThis mahallah, an Uzbek neighborhood, was destroyed during The June Events last year. UNHCR is helping to rebuild it, but many Uzbeks don’t want to return.

The next 72 hours, as both my fixer and this Uzbek man described it, were worse than anarchy, they said, worse than hell. “Under Akaev,” my fixer explained, “there was basically anarchy — very little government control. Bakiyev imposed law and order, which a lot of people didn’t like. Now, it’s anarchy again, where you can not tell who is good and who is bad. The government doesn’t control anything.”

I was surprised to hear my fixer say this; he is normally very upbeat. But the Uzbek man chimed in: “I have no hope for the future. I helped to bury 26 people, and we could not identify four of them because their faces were so badly beaten. My son was shot and killed, and his shop burned to the ground, and the government will not help me. I have no hope for the future.” At this point, the Uzbek man shook my hand. “Do you know what it’s like? I can’t leave for Uzbekistan, they won’t have us. I’m stuck, I’m terrified for what my grandchildren will face.”

I most certainly do not know what it is like, and I couldn’t begin to pretend. As the three of us were speaking, Kyrgyz, Russian, and Uzbek people — men, women, more than a few children begging their mama for an ice cream — all breezed past us, seemingly oblivious to the obvious foreigner talking to an obviously distraught Uzbek man. He seemed to noticed as well, and begged me not to take his picture or record any audio of our conversation. “I don’t want to be found talking to you,” he said. “The police, some street people, I don’t know someone will come after me if that happens.”

At this point I had run out of words. There is nothing to say in response, is there? You can’t say anything in response. I tried to assure him that I didn’t want to get him into trouble. He responded by asking me to join him for 50g of vodka. “I would barely feel that,” I responded. “But, I’m also exhausted from my journey here and would like to rest. Can I come back tomorrow?”

The Uzbek man laughed, really loudly. “You are a polite American!” I grinned and shook his hand again, this time placing my other hand over his. We then both performed the ubiquitous Central Asian gesture of gripping the right hand and placing it over the heart.

Osh is an overwhelming place. It is far less “friendly” to foreigners, in the sense that it’s harder to get around on your own if you don’t speak at least Russian (Uzbek or Kyrgyz is even better), but its people are far friendlier to foreigners than in Bishkek (though no one was really rude to me in Bishkek, they were never this open and warm). It is clearly a poor place, and just as clearly a socially and economically shattered place. I really don’t know how much I’ll be able to learn during my few short days here. But I came here to try anyway, and to see what could be learned. Maybe that’s all you can do anyway.

Erdogan Tells Obama That He Acts Like Israel’s Lawyer

KIZILCAHAMAM, Ankara – Hürriyet
PM Erdoğan. AP photo
PM Erdoğan. AP photo

Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan told U.S. President Barack Obama that his government “acted as Israel’s lawyer,” Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu said yesterday.

Davutoğlu addressed deputies from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) during the party’s gathering in the hot springs retreat of Kızılcahamam near the capital Ankara.

The Turkish foreign minister said Obama had phoned Erdoğan 11 times during the last nine months and a brief encounter took place during one of their conversations, when Obama complained about Turkey’s role in Iran’s uranium swap deal, asking why Erdoğan protected Iran.

Erdoğan denied Obama’s claims, Davutoğlu said, and responded, “I do not protect Iran, but you [the United States] act as Israel’s lawyer.”

Kharotabad: A Taliban safe haven

Kharotabad: A Taliban safe haven

Hospital alleges an NGO provides free medical treatment to injured militants.

ISLAMABAD: People in Kharotabad are living in constant fear of possible drone attacks in their neighbourhood, considering that over the past six months, the Afghan and local Taliban seemed to covet this part of Quetta as a veritable ‘vacation spot’.

Every four months, Taliban fighters return from war fronts in Afghanistan and rent out dozens of residential accommodations in this vicinity, The Express Tribune has learnt.

Their presence is becoming a major concern for people living in adjoining areas, especially because this is the same area where the US alleges the Quetta Shura is hiding out.

A few madrassahs in Kharotabad are also providing ‘free’ accommodation to these militants.

They move freely as if to defy invisible observers, who they think are keeping a watch over them, making it obvious to them that Kharotabad is a safe haven for the Taliban.

Creating an army

Students from religious seminaries in the province are being recruited for the Afghan Taliban movement, a dime a dozen. They are reportedly ‘trained for jihad’ in Afghanistan by Afghan ‘commanders’, before they are sent on designated terror missions.

At least six to eight new, unarmed recruits leave Kuchlak Bazar, located near Quetta, on brand new 75CC motorbikes every morning, headed towards Afghanistan.

They are, it is learnt, told to avoid travelling on main highways to dodge security forces and instead take lesser known mountainous routes via Kuchlak to Qamar Din Karez town on the Pak-Afghan border.

They also avoid travelling in groups – two persons per motorbike. They are also given Rs5,000 each, in addition to sufficient money for fuel.

A majority of these boys join Taliban with their parent’s consent, while many others embark on this ‘holy mission’ without the knowledge of their guardians.

The ideology faction of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), led by MNA Maulana Esmatullah and his party members, is a motivating force for these young students of Balochistan.

Mullah Omar’s messages to people in Pakistan and other parts of the world are also sent through Kandahar to Quetta.

Free medical care for war-wounded Taliban

The Afghan and local Taliban who are wounded during their missions in Afghanistan, are reportedly receiving free medical treatment at five prominent private hospitals, a majority of which are situated on the Airport Road.

The administration at these hospitals told The Express Tribune that an international NGO of world repute, funds their medical care.”We are being paid by this NGO for the medical care being provided to the wounded or sick Taliban militants,” the administrator at Dr Abdul Khaliq Memorial Hospital alleged.

The NGO does not allow the police or intelligence agencies access to these “under-treatment” Taliban. The NGO puts up a ‘don’t know’ front “We have not set up any field hospitals in Balochistan to provide medical assistance to the Afghan Taliban or other militants,” the NGO’s head of sub-delegation told The Express Tribune.

However, he said, the NGO is supporting three private hospitals in Quetta for providing medical assistance to wounded people. “Doctors at Ikram Hospital and Imdad Hospital are providing medical assistance to people injured in bomb blasts, firing incidents and other forms of violence.”

Hundreds of patients, mostly Afghans, receive treatment at these private hospitals in the provincial capital, he added.


Published in The Express Tribune

Another Afghan Security Official Target of Suicide Blast

Head of Faryab Intelligence injured in suicide blast


According to local authorities in northern Afghanistan, Head of the Faryab National Directorate for Security was injured following a suicide bomb attack early Monday morning.

Syed Ahmad Sadat, Head of the Faryab Intelligence Agency (National Directorate for Security) was seriously injured after a suicide bomber detonated the explosives packed in a motorcycle around 8:30 am local time.

Provincial governor spokesman Javid Bidar said, the incident took place around 8:30 am in Tatar-Khana area of Maimana city, while the provincial chief of the Faryab National Directorate for Security was leaving his home for attending his duty.

The source further added, Gen. Syed Ahmad Sadat was seriously injured following the explosion and was taken to the hospital for the treatment purposes.

He also said, at least five Afghan Intelligence forces were injured and an Afghan teenager was also killed following the incident.

Meanwhile, head of the provincial public health services Dr. Ali said, at least eight injured people including head of the Faryab National Directorate for Security and a dead civilian was taken to the hospital so far.


Saudi Arabia’s Invisible Hand in the Arab Spring

Saudi Arabia’s Invisible Hand in the Arab Spring

How the Kingdom is Wielding Influence Across the Middle East

John R. Bradley

JOHN R. BRADLEY is the author of Saudi Arabia Exposed. His most recent book, After the Arab Spring: How the Islamists Hijacked the Middle East Revolt, will be published in December.

On October 4, a brief, ominous release came from the state-controlled Saudi Press Agency in Riyadh acknowledging that there had been violent clashes in the eastern city of Qatif between restive Shiites and Saudi security forces. It reported that “a group of instigators of sedition, discord and unrest” had assembled in the heart of the kingdom’s oil-rich region, armed with Molotov cocktails. As authorities cleared the protesters, 11 officers were wounded. The government made clear it would respond to any further dissent by “any mercenary or misled person” with “an iron fist.” Meanwhile, it pointed the finger of blame for the riots at a “foreign country,” a thinly veiled reference to archrival Iran.

Saudi Arabia has played a singular role throughout the Arab Spring. With a guiding hand — and often an iron fist — Riyadh has worked tirelessly to stage manage affairs across the entire region. In fact, if there was a moment of the Arab revolt that sounded the death knell for a broad and rapid transition to representative government across the Middle East, it came on the last day of February, when Saudi tanks rolled across the border to help put down the mass uprising that threatened the powers that be in neighboring Bahrain. The invasion served an immediate strategic goal: The show of force gave Riyadh’s fellow Sunni monarchy in Manama the muscle it needed to keep control of its Shia-majority population and, in turn, its hold on power.

But that was hardly the only advantage King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud gained. The aggression quelled momentum in Saudi Arabia’s oil-rich eastern province among the newly restive Shia minority who had been taking cues from Bahrain. The column of tanks also served as a symbolic shot across the bow of Iran: The brazen move was a clear signal from Riyadh to every state in the Middle East that it would stop at nothing, ranging from soft diplomacy to full-on military engagement, in its determination to lead a region-wide counterrevolution.

From the Arab Spring’s beginning, Riyadh reached directly into local conflicts. As far back as January, the kingdom offered refuge to Tunisia’s deposed leader, Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali. Eager that popular justice not become the norm for Arab dictators, Riyadh has steadfastly refused to extradite Ben Ali to stand trial. (He remains in Riyadh to this day.) Moreover, Ben Ali’s statements, issued through his lawyer, have consistently called on Tunisians to continue the path of “modernization.” For fear of upsetting his Saudi hosts, he has not been able to express what must be his horror as a secularist at the dramatic emergence of Ennahda (“Awakening”), the main Islamist party, on the Tunisian political scene. Ennahda’s meteoric rise is widely believed to be, at least in part, bankrolled by Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf countries.

Islamists across the region are working in Riyadh’s favor. As with the fall of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, the Saudis gained newfound influence with the Muslim Brotherhood and its even more hard-line Salfi allies, who reportedly take funds from the Saudis. The Muslim Brotherhood has vaulted to prominence in the post-Mubarak era. It draws hundreds of thousands to rallies. It looks set to sweep forthcoming elections. After all, it is telling that Muslim Brotherhood members took refuge in Saudi Arabia during the decades of persecution under former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Today, the party makes a good partner for Riyadh, as it never utters even a whisper of criticism of what more radical Islamist outfits denounce as the Saudi royal family’s treacherous ties with the West. If Saudi Arabia desperately backed Mubarak to his last days, in post-revolutionary Egypt the kingdom is now closely connected to the country’s new political power brokers.

All of this makes the situation in Yemen look quite familiar. When President Ali Abdullah Saleh was injured in the June bombing of his presidential palace, he fled to (where else?) Saudi Arabia. When Saleh returned to his country last month, he found himself more indebted to Riyadh than ever. Essentially, Saudi medics had saved his life, and in a tribal region such personal debts are not quickly forgotten. But Saleh may not matter much: In the capital of Sana’a, the exhausted protesters have largely departed the main square they had occupied. It has been taken over by activists from Islah (or, the Islamist Congregation for Reform), the country’s main Islamist party. Islah was founded by leading members of the powerful, Saudi-backed Hashid tribal confederation, whose decision to turn against Saleh was a key moment in the uprising. Whichever side emerges triumphant from the power struggle now under way, the Saudis have both eventualities — either Saleh or the Hashids — covered.

Looking at the future of the Middle East, perhaps the most decisive change could come in Syria. It was with a heavy dose of irony that King Abdullah condemned Syria for the murderous crackdown Damascus was waging against its own popular rebellion in early August. Of course, Riyadh has a less than exemplary human rights record, to say the least. Likewise, King Abdullah’s announcement that he was withdrawing Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Damascus was less a protest against the savage brutality of the Syrian regime (if it was at all) as it was another chapter in Riyadh’s ongoing effort to loosen Iran’s grasp on the region’s counterrevolution. The simultaneous decision by fellow Gulf Cooperation Council members — Kuwait and Bahrain — to likewise withdraw their ambassadors, followed by a communiqué from the Arab League expressing predictably muted misgivings about Damascus’ ongoing massacres, indicated the kingdom’s ability to line up allies and make them dance to the tune of the regional powerhouse.

If the Syrian regime collapses (which is hardly imminent but appearing more and more possible as peaceful demonstrations give way to armed insurrection), it would mean the end not only of a brutal dictatorship but also of the only other ostensibly secular Arab country apart from Tunisia — another boon for Riyadh. However, in light of Saudi Arabia’s hardened stance, the real question is what it envisions would happen in Syria if the regime were overthrown. Riyadh’s hope, clearly, is that a post-Assad Syria would align itself with a new Sunni-led, more anti-Iran government in Damascus. That may be hoping against hope, at least in the short term, because Syria is more likely to descend into a bloody, sectarian-driven civil war than witness a smooth transition to a new government. Riyadh, though, is banking on the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies ultimately coming out on top. It is certainly true that, since most Syrians are Sunnis and the Muslim Brotherhood is the best organized of the opposition groups, they are the most likely to fill the vacuum in the long term.

If the Arab Spring had any hope of ushering in greater freedom and democracy, it would have had to challenge from the beginning the influence of Saudi Arabia, the region’s Washington-allied superpower and its most antidemocratic, repressive regime. That is a tall order indeed. The tragic irony of the uprisings is that the exact opposite happened.