Kyrgyzstan: A poster on the streets of Osh

Kyrgyzstan: A poster on the streets of Osh

“Brutally murdered innocent Kyrgyz Uzbek villains. This is a Russian translation of the meaning of the phrase, entitles a selection horrific pictures shattered bodies of unknown people. Two of the poster in August 2010 hang in the vicinity of City Hall the southern Kyrgyz city of Osh, which became two months earlier the scene of rampant crime and communal violence.

© Information Agency Fergana.Ru

These propaganda posters, according to experts “Fergany.Ru”, we can safely assume fomenting ethnic hatred. More than a hundred photos decapitated and mutilated bodies placed in the public place of the city, do not have signatures. No precise information on what kind of people, when and where they were killed. Many photos of mutilated corpses fix unknown people at least twice, showing the terrifying details of different angles.Pictures with interest the children and adolescents, for whose eyes it would be “printed” in a civilized society is not intended.

There is no doubt that this “exhibition” was authorized or organized by the local authorities, headed by Mayor Melis Myrzakmatovym. By the way, this citizen openly calls himself a nationalist, and expresses disobedience to the central government.

Recall, according to official figures from the Prosecutor General of Kyrgyzstan (on August 18, 2010), the number of officially reported killed in the collision is 368 persons, of whom 309 identified: 93 Kirghiz, Uzbek, 204, and one person of another nationality. 59 people remain unidentified.


Complete List of Tajik Escapees and Photos

Persons fleeing criminals

August 25 at the site of the Chief Information Agency of Tajikistan “Howar” published a full list and photos of criminals, escaped during the night of 22 to 23 August 2010 from the detention facility of the State National Security Committee of the Republic (SCNS).

This information is reported on the website “Howar, posted to” gather information about members of criminal groups and their detention. Site Visitors offered to share their information about the members of this group, about their whereabouts and their alleged contacts by phone 221-37-37 in Dushanbe.

Here is a complete list of escaped criminals and their photos.

Фахриддин Кокулов
Cocula Fakhriddin SAIFIDDINOVICH, date of birth March 10, 1980 g, an ethnic Tajik, a native of Kurgantyube Khatlon region, the villagers Ench Shugnonskogo Badakhshan region, a bachelor, was convicted under Article 36 of Part 5, 187 hours 2 and 5, 335ch. 2 PC RT

Джума Ибрагимов
Ibragimov Juma Abdusalomovich, date of birth March 2, 1960 g, a citizen of the Republic of Tajikistan, a native of the village Mullotemur jamoat Shogadoeva Tajikabad area has specialized secondary education, temporarily not working, a resident of the city of Dushanbe, ul. Mayakovsky, home. 91 / 2, Apt. 6, was sentenced under Article 36 of Part 5, 187 Part 2, 36 am-5, 340 Part 2 of the Criminal Code,

Низами Абиев
Abiyev Nizami Ruslanovich, date of birth August 18, 1986 g, a native and resident of Tabasarinskogo district of Dagestan Republic of Russia, was sentenced under articles 32, 335 and 187 of Part 2 of Part 2 of the UG RT

Казбек Джабраилов
Dzhabrailov Kazbek Dzhabrailovich, date of birth March 30, 1986 g, a native and resident of the republic of Dagestan, Makhachkala, ul. A. Sultan, Building 8 B square. 28, convicted under Article 32, Part 1, Part 2, 335 of the Criminal Code of RT

Ахмедов Магомед
Akhmed Mohammed Magomedrasulovich, date of birth 15 October 1979, a native of Buinaksk city of Dagestan Republic of Russia, was sentenced under articles 32, 335 and 187 of Part 2 of Part 2 of the Criminal Code,

Халметов Фуркат
Halmetov Furqat Tulaganovich, date of birth: 11 November 1975, a native of Chirchik Tashkent region of Uzbekistan, was sentenced to 36 hours stayam 5 and 335 h .2 CC RT

Орифджонов  Бахром
Orifdzhonov Bakhrom Obidzhonovich, date of birth October 2, 1981 g, a native and resident of the town of Isfara, ul. Lohuti house. 16, convicted under Article 187 part 2, 305, 306 and 335 of the Criminal Code, part 2

Махмадамир  валади Курбонали
Mahmadamir Valadier Kurbonali, born in 1987, a native of the village Cagney Darkadskogo vulusvoli Takhar province of Afghanistan, was sentenced under articles 335, part 2, 289 hours 4 and 195 of the Criminal Code of RT

Мухаммадвали валади Тозагул
Muhammadvali Valadier Tozagul, born in 1977, a native of the village Maydanoda Darkadskogo vulusvoli Takhar province of Afghanistan, was sentenced under articles 335, part 2, 289 hours 4195 hours 3200 hours on 4, paragraphs “d” and “e” Criminal Code,

Бозорали валади Эгамберди
Bozorali Valadier Egamberdiev, born 1969, native of the village Cagney Darkadskogo vulusvoli Takhar province of Afghanistan, was sentenced under articles 335, part 2, 289 hours, 4 195 200 Part 3 Part 4 paragraphs “d” and “e” Criminal Code,

Махмадзокир  валади Махмадхалим
Mahmadzokir Valadier Mahmadhalim, 1981goda birth village, Cagney Darkadskogo vulusvoli, Takhar province of Afghanistan, was sentenced to 335 hours stayam 2, 289 hours, 4 hours 195 3, 104 part 2 points “and” f “” r ” , 199 part 4 of the Criminal Code,

Сулейманов Гусейн
Suleimanov Hussein Sharipovich, Date of Birth 5 October 1985, a citizen of Russia, born and resident Novolakskiy district of Dagestan Republic of Russia, was convicted of articles 32, 335 and 187 of Part 2 of Part 2 of the Criminal Code of Tajikistan

Насриддинов Ибрагим
Nasriddinov Radzhabovich Ibrahim, born in 1974, a native and resident of st. Uzun district Dzhaloliddini Rumi Khatlon, convicted under Article 104 part 2, 195 hours 2, 32 am-3, 104 part 2 of the Criminal Code,

Азизов Хикматулло
Azizov Khikmatullo FAIZULLOEVICH, date of birth 8 June 1975, a native of Panj district, farm Truth, tractor parts, convicted under section 170, 187 Part 2, 306, 328 Part 2, 195 hours 32 hours 1, 335 part 2 and 245 Part 2 of the Criminal Code,

Азизов Рахмиддин
Azizov Rahmiddin Sadulloevich, date of birth April 24, 1972 g, born Panj district account. Ordzhonikidze, a former military officer of the Ministry of Emergency Situations and Civil Defense of the Rasht district, was convicted under Articles 187 part 2, 181ch.3 104 Part 2, Part 2, 328, 306, 195 and 375 Criminal Code, part 2

Хасанов Бахриддин
Khasanov Bahriddin Kayumovich, date of birth July 15, 1968 g, a native and resident of Tavildara region, jamoat Childara, village Chashmasor, convicted under section 187 of part 2, 306, 328 and 195, part 2, part 3 of the Criminal Code,

Зиёев Азамшо
Zieev Azamsho Ahtamovich, date of birth 4 December 1969, a native of a farm-May Panj district, Khatlon region, a retired Ministry of Emergency Situations and Civil Defence of Tajikistan, a resident of the Tavildara district, village Childara, convicted under Article 170, Part 2, 187, 306 and 195 h. 3 PC RT

Азизов Зайдулло
Azizov Zaydullo Sadulloevich, date of birth 16 January 1977, a native and resident of the village Pastirog, jamoat Sagirdasht Dorvozskogo Badakhshan region, was convicted under 187ch.2 and 306 of the Criminal Code,

Алиев Али
Aliyev, Ali Magamedovich, date of birth September 5, 1983 g, a citizen of Russia, a native and resident of Rainbow Tyumen region of Russia, was convicted under articles 32, 335 and 187 of Part 2 of Part 2 of the Criminal Code,

Зиёев Джонибек
Zieev Dzhonibek Abdusamadovich, date of birth February 8, 1979 g, a resident of plots Tugul, jamoat Nuri Vahdat Panj district, was convicted under Articles 187 part 2, 306, 328 and 195 of Part 2 of Part 3 of the Criminal Code,

Худжаев Саидисмон
Hudzhaev Saidismon Abdurahmanovich, February 23, 1978 birth, a resident of Punjab, who lives in the Tavildara area, village Shahrinav, jamoat Tavildara. Convicted under Article 187 part 2, 306, 228 and 195 Part 2 Part 3 of the Criminal Code.

Мирзоев Абдурасул
Mirzoyev Abdurasul Rakhmonovich, April 1, 1958 born in the town of Kulyab Khatlon region, residing in the city of Dushanbe, 3 passage, Kutuzova street, apartment 12, was convicted under Articles 216, 135, Part 1, Part 2, 131, 334 Part 2, (amended 1961), Art. 131 h 2, 248 Part 4, Part 2, 181, 334 Part 2, Part 2, 291, 340 Part 2, Part 2, 195 and 306 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Tajikistan.

Юлдошев Хамидулло
Yuldoshev Hamidullah Abdugafforovich, April 22, 1983 birth, a native and resident of the Republic of Uzbekistan. Convicted under Article 187 part 2, 306, 335 Part 3 of the Criminal Code.

Наимов Толибшо
Naimov Tolibsho Alimovich, October 14, 1977 birth, a native and resident of Tavildara, a village Pagula, convicted under Article 187 part 2, 306, 328 and 195 Part 2 Part 3 of the Criminal Code.

Худоёров Мазхариддин
Khudoyorov Mazhariddin Nasriddinovich, born in 1985, a resident of the village Mullo Temur district Tajikabad. Convicted under Article 187 part 2, 305.306 and 335 part 2. Criminal Code.

Karzai Forms High Council of Peace–Taliban Reject It

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President Karzai has formed a high council of peace to seek peace talks with the Taliban on Saturday, his office said

Members of the council are expected to be around 50 people and include members of civil society, women, and figures from the opposition and government.

The formation of the High Peace Council was “a significant step towards peace talks”, a statement by Mr Karzai’s office said.

Previous efforts to negotiate with the Taliban haven’t been a success with the Taliban preconditioning the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan before any peace talks.

There are nearly 150,000 foreign troops currently stationed in Afghanistan and by pumping some 30,000 extra troops, the US has recently been boosting its presence in the country.

The High Peace Council will be the main strategy of President Karzai seeking peace with the Taliban.

Names of the members of the High Peace Council, which could include former insurgents, would be announced after the Eid, a three-day Muslim celebration marking the end of Ramadan, Presidential Office said.

The High Council of Peace will be independent to elect its own leader and deputy and determining tactics and approaches to make peace with the Taliban.

Afghan Taliban reject formation of peace council

PESHAWAR: Rejecting the formation of high council for peace by the Afghan President Hamid Karzai, the Taliban Sunday said due to occupation of the country by the foreign forces such councils could not bring any fruit.

Taliban spokesman Qari Muhammad Yousaf told the Afghan Islamic Press (AIP) about 150,000 foreign soldiers had occupied Afghanistan and the foreigners were carrying out the activities of the state from ordinary issues to the parliamentary election affairs. “In such conditions what does formation of high council for peace mean,” he questioned.

“Formation of a new shura in the name of peace is a repeat of the former failed experiences. The shura makers and its members are slaves of others and they have no power,” he remarked.

The spokesman repeatedly said that neither the Afghan authorities had the power nor the peace council would have the supremacy, adding Afghanistan had been occupied and the foreigners were running everything.

Asked by the AIP that if the aforesaid shura was given power and authority, then would the Taliban be ready for negotiations with the shura, he said the real reason behind the conflict was presence of foreign forces. “All problems are because of the presence of occupying forces. All the problems will be resolved after the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan.”

Munir’s Story–28 years after the Massacre at Sabra-Shatila

Munir’s Story

28 years after the Massacre
at Sabra-Shatila
Franklin Lamb
Shatila Palestinian Refugee Camp, Beirut

The untreated psychic wounds are still open. Accountability, justice and
basic civil rights for the survivors are still denied.

Scores of horror testimonies have been shared over the past nearly three
decades by survivors of the September 1982 Sabra- Shatila massacre.
More come to light only through circumstantial evidence because would be
affiants perished during the slaughter. Other eyewitness are just beginning
to emerge from deep trauma or self imposed silence.

Some testimonies will be shared this month by massacre survivors at Shatila
camp. They will sit with the every growing numbers of international visitors
who annually come to commemorate one of the most horrific crimes of
the 20th century.

There are no average massacre testimonies.

Zeina, a handsome bronzed-faced middle-aged woman, an acquaintance
of Munir Mohammad’s family, asked a foreigner the other day: “How can it
be 28 years? I think it was just last fall that my husband Hussam and our
two daughters, Maya, 8 years old, and Sirham, 9 years old, left our two room
home to search for food because the Israeli army had sealed Shatila camp
nearly two days before and few inside Shatila Camp had any. I still pray and
wait for them to return.”

In Shatila Palestinian refugee camp and outside Abu Yassir’s shelter, the
bullet marks still cover the lower half of the 11 “walls of death” where some
of the dried blood is mixed and feathered in with the thin mortar. An
elderly gentleman named Abu Samer still has some souvenirs of the
American automatic pistols fitted with silencers and a couple of knives and
axes that were strapped to some of the killers belts as they quickly and
silently shot, carved and chopped whoever they came upon starting at
around 6 p.m. on Thursday September 16, 1982. These weapons were gifted
to Israel by the US Congress and subsequently issued along with drugs
and alcohol and other “policing equipment” by Ariel Sharon to the killers in
his “most moral army.”

•Earlier this year, one of the murderers from the Numour al-Ahrar (Tigers of
the Liberals) militia, the armed wing of Lebanon’s right-wing National Liberal
Party founded by former Lebanese President Camille Chamoun, nonchalantly
confessed, “we sometimes used these implements in order to advance silently
through the alleys of Shatila so as not to cause unnecessary panic during
our work.” The Tigers militia, one of five Christian killer units, was assisted
inside Shatila by more than two dozen Israeli Mossad agents, and led in this
blitz by none other than Dani Chamoun, son of the former President.

No plaque or sign notes what happened here.

The world learned of the slaughter at Sabra-Shatila on the morning of Sunday
September 19, 1982. Photos, many now available on the Internet, taken by
witnesses such as Ralph Shoneman, Mya Shone, Ryuichi Hirokawa, Ali Hasan
Salman, Ramzi Hardar, Gunther Altenburg, and Gaza and Akka Palestine
Red Crescent Society (PRCS) Hospital staff, preserve the gruesome images
deeply etched in the survivors memory. The Israeli Kahan Commission, five
months later in its February 7, 1983 Report, substantially whitewashed Israeli
responsibility referring more than once to the massacre as “a war.”

Zeina ushered me down a narrow alley from her house arriving at the
3 by 8 meter wall outside her sister’s home, spraying here and there with an
aerosol can as we walked. She apologized for the spray but insisted that
she and her neighbors could even now smell the slaughter that happened
there three decades earlier.

For readers unfamiliar with the location of Shatila Palestinian Refugee Camp
in Beirut, this particular “wall of death” is located across from the PRCS
Akka Hospital, such as it is, after years without adequate financial or NGO
support. Locating the 11 “walls of death” requires help from the few older
Palestinians who still live in this quarter. They are among those still living at
the scene and who still vividly recall the details of the massacre. Some
provide personal history of some of the butchered, seemingly urging the
dead to return by making them seem so alive, often describing a personality
trait and the name of their family village in Palestine.

“A sweet boy who adored his older brothers Mutid and Bilal”

Zeina recalls that Munir Mohammad was 12 years old on September 16,
1982, a pupil at the Shatila camp school, named Jalil (Galilee). Virtually all of
the 75 remaining UNRWA schools in Lebanon, like other Palestinian
institutions, are named after villages, towns or cities in occupied Palestine.
Often they are named after villages that no longer actually exist, being
among the 531 villages the Zionists colonizers obliterated during and after
the 1947-48 Nakba (Catastrophe).

Zeina recalls that it was late on a Thursday afternoon, September 16, that
the Israeli shelling had grown intense. Designed to drive the camp residents
into the shelters, almost all of which Israeli intelligence, arriving the previous
day in three white vehicles and posing as “concerned NGO staff” had
identified and noted the coordinates on their maps. Some residents, thinking
aid workers had come to help the refugees, actually revealed their secret
sanctuaries. Other refugees, based on their experience in the crowded shelters
during the preceding 75 days of indiscriminate, “Peace for Galilee” Israeli
bombing of Shatila, suggested to the “aid workers” that the shelters needed
better ventilation and perhaps the visitors would help provide it.

According to Zeina the Israeli agents quickly sketched the shelter locations,
marked them with a red circle and returned to their HQ which was located
less than 70 meters on the raised terrain at the SE corner of Shatila camp
still known as Turf Club Yards. Today, this sandy area still contains three
death pits which according to the late American journalist Janet Stevens
is where some of the hundreds of still missing bodies of the more than 3,000
slaughtered are likely buried. Janet had theorized that there was a second
Sabra-Shatila Massacre that occurred on Sunday morning, September 19th,
which piggybacked the first and was conducted on the west side of Shatila
inside the second Israeli-Phalange HQ, known as the Cite Sportiff athletic
complex. As the Israeli soldiers took custody from the Phalange militia
of the surviving refugees, trucks entered Cite Sportiff loaded with hundreds
of camp residents on the back to be taken to “holding centers”. Family
members forced to wait outside heard volleys of gunfire and screams from
inside the complex. Hours later the same flat beds drove away to unknown
locations, tarps covering the unseen mounded cargo.

Camp resident, Mrs. Sana Mahmoud Sersawi, one of the 23 complainants
in the Belgium case filed against Ariel Sharon on June 16, 2001, (currently but
not fatally sidetracked) explained:

“The Israelis who were posted in front of the Kuwaiti embassy and at
the Rihab benzene station at the entrance to Shatila demanded through
loudspeakers that we come to them. That’s how we found ourselves
in their hands. They took us to the Cite Sportiff, and the men were
marched behind us. But they took the men’s shirts off and started
blindfolding them. The Israelis interrogated the young people and the
Phalange delivered about 200 more people to the Israelis. And that’s
how neither my husband nor my sister’s husband ever came back.”

Journalist Robert Fisk and others who studied these events, concur that more
slaughter was done during the 24 hour period after 8 a.m. Saturday, the hour
the Israeli Kahan Commission, which declined to interview any Palestinians,
ruled that the Israelis had stopped all the killing.

Eyewitness testimony also established that the “aid workers” described by
Zeina passed the shelter descriptions and locations to Lebanese Forces
operatives Elie Hobeika and Fadi Frem, and their ally, Major Saad Haddad of
the Israeli-allied South Lebanese Army. Thursday evening, Hobeika,
de facto commander since the assassination the week previously of Phalange
leader and President-elect Bachir Gemayel, led one of the death squads inside
the killing field of the Horst Tabet area near Abu Yassir’s shelter.

It was in 8 of the 11 Israeli-located and marked shelters that the first of the
massacre victims were quickly and methodically slaughtered. There being
few perfect crimes, even in massacres, the killers failed to find 3 of the
shelters. One of the overlooked shelters was just 25 meters from Abu Yassir’s
shelter. Apart from these three undiscovered hiding places there were
practically no Shatila shelter survivors.

American journalist David Lamb wrote about this first night of butchery and
the “walls of death”:

“Entire families were slain. Groups consisting of 10-20 people were
lined up against walls and sprayed with bullets. Mothers died while
clutching their babies. All men appeared to be shot in the back.
Five youths of fighting age were tied to a pickup truck and dragged
through the streets before being shot.”

At around about 8 p.m. on September 18 Munir Mohammad entered the
crowded Abu Yassir shelter with his mother Aida and his sisters and brothers
Iman, Fadya, Mufid and Mu’in. Keeping the relatively few camp shelters
for the woman and children while the men took their chances outside was a
common practice as the massacre unfolded. But a few men did enter to help
calm their young children.

“If any of you are injured, we’ll take you to the hospital”.

Munir later recalled events that night: “The killers arrived at the door of
the shelter and yelled for everyone to come out. Men who they found were
lined up against the wall outside. They were immediately machine gunned.”
As Munir watched, the killers left to kill other groups and then suddenly
returned and opened fire on everyone, and all fell to the ground. Munir lay
quietly not knowing if his mother and sisters were dead. Then he heard the
killers yelling: “If any of you are injured, we’ll take you to the hospital.
Don’t worry. Get up and you’ll see.” A few did try to get up or moaned and
they were instantly shot in the head.

Munir remembered: “Even though it was light out due to the Israeli flares
over Shatila, the killers used bright flash lights to search the darkened corners.
The killers were looking in the shadows”. Suddenly Munir’s mother’s
body seemed to shift in the mound of corpses next to him. Munir thought she
might be going to get up since the killers promised to take anyone still
alive to the hospital. Munir whispered to her: “Don’t get up mother, they’re
lying”. And Munir stayed motionless all night barely daring to breath,
pretending to be dead.

Munir could not block out the killers words. Years later he would repeat to
an interviewer as they passed the Shatila Burial ground known as Martyrs

“After they shot us, we were all down on the ground, and they were
going back and forth, and they were saying: ‘If any of you are still alive,
we’ll have mercy and pity and take them to the hospital. Come on,
you can tell us.’ If anyone moaned, or believed them and said they
needed an ambulance, they would be rescued with shots and finished
off there and then…What really disturbed me wasn’t just the death
all around me. I…didn’t know whether my mother and sisters and
brother had died. I knew most of the people around me had died. And
it’s true I was afraid of dying myself. But what disturbed me so very
much was that they were laughing, getting drunk and enjoying
themselves all night long. They threw blankets on us and left us there
till morning. All night long [Thursday the 16th) I could hear the voices
of the girls crying and screaming, ‘For god’s sake, leave us alone.’
I mean…I can’t remember how many girls they raped. The girl’ voice,
with their fear and pain, I can’t ever forget them.”

The same kind of dégagé is displayed by the half dozen confessed militia
murderers featured in German director Monika Borgmann’s 2005 film
Massaker, one of whom opined: “With hanging or shooting you just die,
but this is double,” explaining how he took an old Palestinian man and held
him back against a wall, slicing him open in the shape of a cross. “You die
twice since you also die from the fear,” he said nonchalantly describing
white flesh and bone as if in a charcuterie waiting to be served.

The killers also explained how they began a frantic rush to dispose of as
many bodies as possible before the media entered Shatila. One testified how
the Israeli army gave them large plastic trash bags to dispose of bodies.
Another confessed that they forced people into army trucks to ferry them to
Cite Sportiff where they were killed. And that they used chemicals to
destroy many of the corpses. Several mentioned that Israeli army officers
conferred with the militia’s leaders in Beirut on the eve of the massacres.

The venomous hatred persists to this day

To this day, the Hurras al-Arz (Guardians of the Cedars) boasts of its role in
the carnage. Less than two weeks before the massacre the party issued a
call for the confiscation of all Palestinian property in Lebanon, the outlawing
of home ownership and the destruction of all refugee camps.

The party statement of September 1, 1982 declared: “Action must be taken to
reduce the numbers of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, until the day comes
when no single Palestinian remains on our soil.”

In 1982 certain political parties referred to Palestinians as “a bacillus which
must be exterminated” and graffiti on walls read: ”The duty of every
Lebanese is to kill a Palestinian”–the same hatred commonly expressed today
in occupied Palestine among colonists, extremist Rabbis and politicians.

The ‘Guardians’ call for outlawing Palestinian refugee property ownership
was indeed achieved in 2001 by a law drafted by current Minister of Labor,
who pledged on September 1, 2010 that “Parliament will never allow
Palestinian refugees the right to own property.”

The mentality that allowed the Massacre at Sabra-Shatila 1982 is largely
unchanged in 2010, as Lebanon still resists the call of the international
community to grant the survivors of the Sabra-Shatila massacre basic civil
rights. Some who have studied the Arabic websites and observed gatherings
of the political parties represented at the 1982 massacre, claim the hate
language is actually worse today and is being used to stir up Parliamentary
opposition Palestinian civil rights.

During the month following the 1982 Massacre, British Dr. Paul Morris
treated Munir at Gaza Hospital approximately one kilometer north of Abu
Yassir’s shelter, and kept the youngster under observation. Dr. Morris
reported to researcher Bayan Nuwayhed al Hout (Sabra and Shatila: September
, Pluto Press, London, 2004) that Munir “Will smile once in a while,
but he doesn’t react spontaneously like others of this age, except just
occasionally.” Then the doctor banged on the table, and said: ‘The lad has to
be saved. He has to leave the camp, if only for a while, to recover himself.”

When Munir was asked by al Hout if one day when he grew up and would
be able to carry a weapon would he consider revenge. The pre-teen replied,
replied: “No, No. I’d never think of revenge by killing children. The way
they killed us. What did the children do wrong?”

Munir’s 15 year old brother Mufid was among the first to enter Abu Yassir’s
shelter, but he left and later appeared at Akka Hoppital with a gunshot
wound. After being bandaged he left the hospital to seek safety and his
family. No one has seen him since and for a long time Munir could not even
mention him.

According to camp residents, Munir’s older brother, Nabil, then 19 years
old, being of fighting age would have been shot on sight by the killers. Aware
of this, Nabil’s cousin and his cousin’s wife fled with him as the Israeli
shelling increased and camp residents reported indiscriminate killing. The
trio dodged sniper bullets to seek refuge in a nursing home where his aunt
worked. Like Munir, Nabil soon learned that his mother and siblings were
all dead.


Now in America, both Munir and Nabil are leading relatively ‘normal lives’
considering the horror and lost family they experienced while escaping death
at Sabra-Shatila. Munir and Nabil have become a credit to Shatila camp, to
Palestine and to their adopted country. Residing in the Washington DC area,
Munir is married and busy with his career. Nabil is devoting his life to
advocacy for peace and justice in the Middle East, working with an NGO.
Both brothers return to Shatila camp regularly.

Also apparently living ‘normal lives’ are the six “Christian” militia killers
featured in Borgmann’s film Massaker. “They are all living ordinary lives.
One of them is a taxi driver,” Borgmann explains.

As is well known, the massacres at Sabra-Shatila were undeniable war crimes,
crimes against humanity, and genocide. Each killing was a violation of
international laws enshrined in the Fourth Geneva Convention, International
Customary Law and jus cogens. Similar massive crimes have seen charges
brought against Rwandan officials, Chile’s ex-president, General Augusto
Pinochet, Chad’s former president, Hissein Habre, former Serbian President
Slobodan Milosevic, Liberia’s Taylor and Sudan’s Bachir.

No one has been punished or even investigated for the Sabra-Shatila
massacre. On March 28, 1991 Lebanon’s Parliament retroactively exempted
the killers from criminal responsibility. However, this law has no standing in
international law and the international community remains legally
obligated to punish those responsible. The victims and their families of the
Sabra-Shatila massacre as well as virtually all human rights organizations
including but not limited to Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch,
the Humanitarian Law Project, strenuously oppose blanket amnesty for
the killers. They argue that the 1991 violates Lebanon’s constitution, as well
as international law and promotes impunity for heinous crimes.

It was precisely to achieve justice for the victims of crimes such as Sabra-
Shatila that the International Criminal Court was established. The ICC
must begin its work without further delay and all people of goodwill must
encourage Lebanon to grant the survivors of the Sabra-Shatila Massacre
basic civil rights.

Franklin Lamb is doing research in Lebanon. He can be reached at

Palestine Civil Rights Campaign-Lebanon


“Failure is not an option for the Palestine Civil Rights Campaign, our only choice is success”

15 year old Hiba Hajj, PCRC volunteer, Ein el Helwe Palestinian Camp, Saida, Lebanon

Please check our website for UPDATES:

Franklin P. Lamb, LLM,PhD
Director, Americans Concerned for
Middle East Peace, Wash.DC-Beirut

Board Member, The Sabra Shatila Foundation and the Palestine Civil Rights Campaign, Beirut-Washington DC
Shatila Palestinian Refugee Camp

Dushanbe Night Club Blast Possible “Sharia-Enforcing” Attack

[This is the beginning of the deployment of the same American “Islamist” attacks used in every province of Pakistan and Afghanistan.  It began in Tajikistan with the govt. releasing wanted posters for dead Uzbek militant leaders (SEE: Wanted Dead or Returned From the Dead), accompanied by news reports that “Mullo Abdullo” had entered Tajikistan with 100 militants from Afghanistan. The killing of Mirzo Ziyoev under unusual circumstances, allegedly by his own partner during a gunfight with government troops resulted in the arrest of the drug gang that recently busted-out from maximum security cells in Dushanbe.

The situation now is the same as that seen in Kurram and Khyber agencies in Pakistan’s Northwest territory before military operations began there in 2009.  Before that it was seen in S. Waziristan around Wana, as bloody “Sharia” attacks spread terror and a campaign against tribal leaders got underway.  We see the same thing in Balochistan.  Tajikistan should get used to terror, as these things inevitably spread and local leaders will be killed, one-by-one.]

Dushanbe night club blast qualified as terrorism

DUSHANBE, September 6 (Itar-Tass) — Tajikistan’s State Committee on National Security has qualified the blast at a Dushanbe night club overnight to Monday as terrorism, or a “crime against public security,” a source in the Tajik security services told Itar-Tass on Monday.

A low-yield shell-less explosive devise planted under a table near the dance floor went off in the Dusti club, injuring three young men. Two of them are in grave condition.

Two persons have been detained on suspicion of being involved in the night blast, the source confirmed. Investigation is underway.

According to independent observers, the blast might have been plotted as an “intimidation measure” by young religionists who strongly oppose the mere idea of such establishments, especially during the month of Ramadan. Experts say voices are growing stronger in Tajik society made up mostly (98 percent) by Islamic believers to close such places of entertainment and to ban the sale of alcoholic drinks in the periods of Moslem fasts.

Majority of Tajik Escapees Part of Drug ring linked to international terrorism

Drug ring linked to international terrorism busted in Tajikistan

Journal of Turkish Weekly (JTW)
Thursday, 16 July 2009

To prevent drug trafficking, uncover and destroy wild growing drug-bearing plants and also their illegal cultivation, law-enforcement agencies annually carry out a joint operation throughout Tajikistan. The Poppy-2009 joint operation was organized this year with the participation of the aforementioned bodies, Tajik news agency Khovar website reported.
As part of the operation, permanent and mobile checkpoints were set up on roads of the country to block channels for smuggling drugs. According to rapid search data, it was established that one of the main channels for smuggling drugs from Afghanistan was through the territory of Darvoz, Tavildara, Rasht and Jirgatol districts to Kyrgyzstan.

Officers from the Drug Control Agency under the Tajik president, the Tajik Interior Ministry, the Defence Ministry and the State Committee on National Security conducted a joint operation in this region to prevent and suppress the channel. It should be noted that a channel for smuggling drugs was led by an active member of the international terrorist organization Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, Nemat Sadulloyevich Azizov. Funds gained from drug trafficking were then used to finance and support terrorist groups.

Members of Nemat Azizov and Mirzo Ziyo’s group took hostage three servicemen in the village of Chorsun-i Bolo of Saghirdasht Jamoat in Darvoz District on 11 May 2009.

Officers from the Interior Ministry and the Defence Ministry, while checking highlands of the area of Chorsun in Darvoz District, came under a sudden attack by an armed gang and as a result, a serviceman of military unit 23442 of the Defence Ministry, Sr-Lt Abribat Amonuddinovich Alishoyev, was killed. It was established that the criminal group comprised Mirzo Ziyo, Nemat Sadulloyevich Azizov and Hikmatullo Fayzulloyevich Azizov who is known by the nickname “Kuri Malysh” [“Smoke Baby”].

It was established that the group also comprised five Russian citizens, ethnic Chechens, temporarily residing in the city of Dushanbe, and who came to Tajikistan to send huge amounts of funds generated from the sale of drugs to terrorist organizations in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

During rapid search operations, these citizens were detained by officers from the Tajik State Committee on National Security.

On 8 June 2009, at about 1830, a group of criminals organized an armed attack with the aim of seizing the administrative centre of Tavildara District. As a result of the skirmish, four members of Mirzo Ziyo and Nemat Azizov’s group were killed. After the skirmish, possible ways of the criminal group’s retreat and escape were controlled and observed and part of members of the armed group were surrounded. Then they were forced to lay down their weapons and surrender to the law-enforcement officers. A large number of assault rifles, machine guns, sniper rifles, grenade launchers, grenades and other weapons were seized from them. Mirzo Ziyo with his son and Hikmatullo Fayzulloyevich Azizov, head of the emergencies service of Tavildara District, were arrested at one of the checkpoints during rapid search operations in the morning of 11 July this year. The same day, Mirzo Ziyo voluntarily agreed to show places for the storage of weapons and organize talks with the remaining members of Nemat Azizov’s criminal group to turn them in. During the operation, the officers from the Tajik State Committee on National Security and law-enforcement agencies were suddenly attacked in a place called Safedkhok in Tavildara District by Nemat Azizov’s armed group. As a result, Mirzo Ziyo was killed and several officers of the State Committee on National Security were injured.

In all, during the Poppy-2009 joint operation, 121 crimes were revealed throughout the country. A total of 950 kg of drugs was seized, and 300 bushes of hemp were destroyed. Based on the above cases, 124 people, including seven Afghan citizens were brought to criminal charges. People of the region live and work in peaceful conditions and are involved in everyday problems. Local population assists and cooperates with police officers. Law-enforcement agencies are continuing rapid search operations as part of the Poppy-2009 operation. Additional information will be provided about the course of the investigation into the criminal group’s activities.

Turkmenistan Bans Importation of Foreign Newspapers and Magazines

IWPR: In Turkmenistan, the restrictions on the importation of newspapers and magazines

09/06/2010 13:00

IWPR: In Turkmenistan, the restrictions on the importation of newspapers and magazines

Waiver of import of publishers will only lead to the growth of corruption and speculation, newspapers and magazines in Turkmenistan, said the observer NBCA. In addition, the new ban would adversely affect the existing limited access to information.

News Collection of Central Asia (NBCA), September 3, 2010

In late August, at a meeting on culture, President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov said that “there is no need to” import printed materials, as the levels produced by the domestic books, newspapers and magazines it is “sufficient” to meet the domestic needs of the country.

The Turkmen leader also pointed out that the domestic market swamped with “low-quality, low-grade products.

After coming to power in 2007, Berdymukhammedov lifted the ban on his authoritarian predecessor, importation and distribution of foreign press, and allowed to subscribe to some of the Russian edition. However, according to observers, it is not greatly changed the situation, because the tacit restrictions remained.

At present, the range sold in Turkmenistan, newspapers and magazines consists of fourteen local publications, including the government newspaper “Neutral Turkmenistan”, thematic magazines – “Democracy and Law”, “Science and Technology of Turkmenistan,” National Army “,” On Guard order “and others, covering issues of education, medicine, agriculture.

Readers are told that because of the total domination of state ideology and propaganda all Turkmen publications are not interesting and little, demand among the population do not enjoy.

Information hungry citizens subsisting on markets where it is possible to purchase Russian publications, which are imported into the country in small quantities.

Turkmen market you can buy popular Uzbek and Russian newspapers, such as “Top Secret”, “Komsomolskaya Pravda”, “Arguments and Facts”, “AIDS-info”, “Tasvir”, magazines “Caravan of stories,” “Liza,” ” Burda, “” Secrets of the twentieth century, as well as entertainment and culinary publications.

“I always know in advance the day of delivery and negotiate with the seller, so I left a couple of books”, – tells 42-year-old resident of Ashgabat, which regularly gets magazines about health and cooking.

Recent government measures to ban the import of publishers the public received with indignation, especially nervous suppliers.

The shuttle has to find in Moscow newspapers and magazines, take them to pay bribes at the airport, but it is hard work – said excitedly implementer newspapers .- But businessmen are finding loopholes, because due to the information hungry people all rush. ”

He said that in recent months, as in neighboring Kyrgyzstan as a result of popular unrest gave way to power, whereupon there was a bloody conflict between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, the Turkmen authorities have tightened controls over the import of foreign newspapers in the country.

Local residents interested in events in neighboring countries, but Turkmen press had not been mentioned, and the people got little information from those who could read Russian newspapers.

“Then the supply stopped, and the size of bribes has increased significantly – recalls one of the entrepreneurs .- Suppliers newspapers bribes levied not only customs but also to the higher officials of the Post Office, under contract to import media and its sale. The total amount of bribes and so and the other was $ 1200.

Later, according to the businessman, the yield was found. “We have collaborated with colleagues, now work group and formed a bribe”, – he added.

However, he feared that after the new ban on the import of publications will increase rates again, and will have to raise prices on products. Now the Russian newspaper market in Ashgabat are sold at 5-7 AZN [$ 03.02], magazines – to 30 manat (about $ 11).

Amateur Detectives from Ashgabat is concerned, that may be imposed ban on the import of his favorite books. He regularly takes on the local market with the seller for “small” fee to read fashion mysteries of Russian origin.

“It is very convenient and inexpensive – read and returned. Now what do we do after the ban?” – He asks.

Another interviewee suggested that the need to order books “book – by mail, but it will be very expensive.

“In Ashgabat, there is a shop where you can order books in Moscow – shows the reader .- I got one that Gumilev delivery for $ 50.”

This article was prepared under the “News bulletin of the Central Asia”, funded by the National Endowment for Democracy.

Source – IWPR
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