Le Nouvel Observateur is back this week on the political issue what has become the investigation into the attack in Karachi. After the declarations of Charles Million and those of Dominique de Villepin, the investigations of the judges have just taken a new turn. They highlight a war that tore the right.
- Jacques Chirac and Dominique de Villepin (AFP)
The old ghosts have reappeared as devils in their box. Those cursed at the time of the Chirac-Balladur war, hatred annealed, the dirty tricks, large and small betrayals, which had plunged the French right in a suicidal battle. That was more than fifteen years. The 1995 presidential election. An eternity. Since, after the victory of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007, both sides observed a peace army, believed to be final. In fact, nothing has been forgotten. It was enough of a spark. The case of the attack in Karachi, which killed eleven of our compatriots, May 8, 2002, refers to this major confrontation between Chirac’s and balladuriens, sarkozystes become today. And old scandals buried, and suffocated, emerge. Dominique de Villepin, Clearstream, the specter of war chest of Balladur, dirty money from arms sales, the alleged role of future President Sarkozy in gloomy stories of shell companies and retro-commissions. An explosive issue that follows the Elysee under the microscope. He reappears at a worse time for the President of the Republic comes out just the "sequence" catastrophic Woerth-Bettencourt. The tenant of the Elysee Palace, after six months of indecision, chose a reshuffle "light" and tasteless, but had one goal: resolder family around sarkozystes UMP and Chirac’s. The case of Karachi could be shattered this beautiful scenario. For, cruel irony of history: his key ministers today, Alain Juppe (see interview page …), Michele Alliot-Marie, Baroin, Bruno Lemaire, and some others, have all experienced the clashes. The opposite side. The first two, in varying degrees, have experienced very closely the record deal that judges and Trévidic Marc Renaud Van Ruymbeke.
ON THE SAME SUBJECT
Brief history. 1993-1995, right Chirac lives with Francois Mitterrand. Edouard Balladur, Prime Minister, prancing in the polls, betraying the agreement with Jacques Chirac not to stand for election. He brings with him Nicolas Sarkozy, Francois Leotard, Charles Pasqua and a host of other ministers. The Chirac’s are a handful of faithful, irreducible described as "suicidal Grunts".Among them, Dominique de Villepin, Alain Juppe. Problem for Balladur: the "traitors" have failed to seize the RPR and can not qualify for funding a political party. In disasters, they are seeking funds. At the time, rumor has thinned the ranks of Chirac’s team that Balladur was thrown arms shortcuts on arms sales contracts, sector where huge commissions are paid, and where the opacity of transactions allows all manipulation. The prosecution is based?Anyway, in 1994, balladuriens are very active in this sector.
The three cases that gave rise to suspicions? The contract Agosta, concluded September 21, 1994, related to the sale to Pakistan by the Directorate of Naval Construction, three submarines equipped with high technology (5.4 billion). Sawari II contract, signed November 19, 1994, concerning the purchase by Saudi Arabia of three frigates Lafayette (19 billion francs). The third contract, called "Bravo" is the sale of six Lafayette frigates to Taiwan. It is initialed on the left, to 14.7 billion francs in 1991, then, to the surprise of experts, under the Balladur government, amounted to 16 billion francs.During this period a little agitated, many senior defense officials at the Directorate General of Armament, but also to the staff of the Navy, surprised the excess precipitation policies. And also the impromptu appearance of a multitude of intermediaries. Observers point out these anomalies. In vain. Suspicions of retro-commissions balladuriens are then practically an open secret. Must still prove it. Because, officially, these three contracts, supervised by Nicolas Sarkozy, then budget minister, and Francois Leotard, Minister of Defence, are validated properly. Commissions, legal until 2000, are declared to the Inland Revenue (see page document …). Nothing can detect a lump of dirty money in a box of party or candidate for President of the Republic. But suspicions remain.
Elected in 1995, Jacques Chirac blocked in July 1996, payments of commissions for all the questionable contracts. Dominique de Villepin, the then Secretary General of the Elysee, oversees this "purge". Charles Millon, Minister of Defence, is responsible for triggering internal investigations. Some plays are performed on employees of Francois Leotard and other logically with the green light from Alain Juppe, the Matignon. An investigation is launched at the Budget Department, which operated Nicolas Sarkozy (see document …). The DGSE is mobilized to try backtracking payment of commissions. The Secret Service, despite their infiltration systems data bank, their most successful hackers, stumbles on the identity of "corrupt" French, hidden behind a thicket of offshore companies, a myriad of nominees and company screen-based in tax havens.Finally, Jacques Chirac and Dominique de Villepin, a time forget their resentment against the "traitors", not without putting the sound files they have sulfur in the elbow against Sarkozy and his friends. "It is especially important to remember that in 1997, Jospin arrived at Matignon, said a former officer of the DGSE. The new cohabitation complicates the game because Chirac has more elbow room for further investigation. It is supervised. Especially since the left is itself involved in the issue of Taiwan frigates, with suspicions of corruption around Roland Dumas and Christine Deviers-Joncour, back then followed by Judge Eva Joly. As a result, the operation ‘Clean Hands’ is put to sleep … " Forget the three contracts that were threatening to blow up the Republic … The reason the State then carries the low political revenge.
Occurs when the attack in Karachi, May 8, 2002, where eleven employees of the Directorate of Naval Construction of Cherbourg in the death, Jacques Chirac has just been reelected. The shock was immense in the opinion. Soon, the leaders of the DCN are convinced that the tragedy is linked to the blocking of committees and that the trail of a revenge sponsored cheated by middlemen is most likely. In September 2002, one of their investigators, Claude Thevenet, a former officer of DST, a terrorism expert and the Muslim world, provides a report, called "Nautilus" incredibly accurate. "After numerous contacts, both in Europe and Pakistan," wrote the investigator, we reach the conclusion that the attack in Karachi on 8 May 2002 was carried out with complicity in the military and within offices to support Islamist guerrillas of the ISI (Pakistani Secret Service, Ed). The military figures who manipulated the Islamist group which has carried out the action pursued a financial goal. It was about getting the payment Fees not paid, and promised by the network El Asir when signing the contract in September 1994. The cancellation of these commissions was issued in 1995, following the political change in France, and sought to dry up the networks covert funding of the Association for the Reform of Édouard Balladur. "
Claude Thevenet has not worked alone. He was "coached" by Gerard Philippe Menai, CFO of the commercial arm of DCN, the man who oversees the network of intermediaries and payment of commissions. This specialist behind the scenes of world arms sales knows any dealings cheated by intermediaries since Operation Clean Hands "by Jacques Chirac. But revealing such information would cause an earthquake in the country. The report Nautilus he was sent to the Elysee, as seems logical? Dominique de Villepin said he had a copy in the fall of 2002? In any case, it is buried in the cellar of state secrets and is not sent to Judge Bruguiere following the trail of Al Qaeda. The scenario suits everyone. Despair and the families of victims. In 2008, their spokespersons, and Sandrine Leclerc Magali Drouet, decided to change lawyers and designate Me.Olivier Morice. Paris Bar, the lawyer, former rugby third center, contemporary art lover, has a reputation bomber and a maverick. This is great: to move this folder that gets stuck, it takes a man that is not afraid to "plunge into the fray." He hammered for months on the formula shock all media: "Sarkozy is at heart of corruption." The lawyer made the thundering seat of Judge Marc Trévidic, anti-terrorist judge known for his pugnacity and his composure. The first is hometown and lover of good wine. The second is built like a marathoner, dry and tireless. The two men discover the existence of the report Nautilus, thanks to a revelation of the weekly Le Point, December 4, 2008. Since then they searched the track in the middle of vengeance shortchanged without qualms. In May 2010, they are helped by the publication of a book written by two journalists from the site Mediapart, Ardi and Fabrice Fabrice Lhomme, "The Contract", published by Stock. The book is a goldmine for the magistrate, and a model of investigative journalism "American." The two investigators have recovered hundreds of documents, interviewed key players back, including Gerard Philippe and Claude Thevenet Menai. They also interviewed at length by a man never heard justice, key witness for the inquiry, the Comptroller General Porchia. This senior official of the Directorate General of Armament, which specializes in monitoring programs, investigated the case Agosta, from the summer of 1997, the beginning of the Chirac-Jospin cohabitation. It makes a "confidential defense" in March 1999. Its conclusions are unequivocal: we must institute criminal proceedings in the highest level, even in the entourage of Francois Leotard. Is this the report that prompted the former defense minister to quit politics?
In the process, the officer will investigate the contract Sawari 2. We find in fact the same network of intermediaries in the case Agosta, the network K, El Asir, and Ziad Ben Musalam Takieddine. Refusal of the authorities. The report Porchia, strangely, was never brought to justice. Marc J. calls Trévidic the past six months. Contrary to the assertions of the highest state authorities, to the Elysee, nothing has been done to facilitate the task of the magistrate. Instead … But Magali Drouet and Sandrine Leclerc did not intend it that way. They multiply media interventions. They have a grudge against Nicolas Sarkozy since he awkwardly responded to Brussels, a journalist from AFP’s questions on his role in the affair. "Who can believe such a fable? (…) Finally, if there is a robbery in Brussels today, I was …" (Laughter in room) The President drops a sly smile, pleased with his joke, then, including his blunder: "No, sorry, eh, I laugh at all, because Karachi is the grief of families and stuff like that … " (Video nouvelobs.com). Front of their television, families are appalled. With this President too casual, "rupture" is used.
Then comes the record another actor, Renaud Van Ruymbeke, appointed since October on the component ‘obstruction "and" corruption and abuse of social goods "in the investigation Karachi, alongside Marc Trévidic . For victims, the arrival of Renaud Van Ruymbeke is a blessing. For the Head of State, however … "Van Ruymbeke can be regarded as a personal enemy of Sarkozy, said an adviser. The President has not forgotten that this judge has officiated in the Clearstream affair and sought his smoky secret accounts. Van Ruymbeke is in revenge. On its political corruption, he came out through the door, he came back out the window … It is not clear that justice would be greatly enhanced … "In Within a few weeks, the judge many actions punches, claiming a search of the DGSE, recovers the tax investigations, collects records of Claude Thevenet and those of Jean-Marie Boivin, CEO Heine-off society Luxembourg shore responsible for ventilating the money committees of the three suspects contracts, Agosta, Sawari 2 and Bravo. This last contract, he knows by heart. He has investigated for years on dirty money from Taiwan frigates, which involved balladuriens networks, but also socialist. He hit consistently at the Secret-defense that led him to pronounce a place not in 2008. But this time, the case seems more solid.
That is indeed to update the judge? Jean-Marie Boivin, in September 2001, was commissioned by the French authorities to negotiate an arrangement with the intermediary Andrew Wang, Geneva, and once he had handed over the sum of 83 million francs against his silence and refund of the original contracts of all commissions for Taiwan frigates. Prudent, Boivin retained the document in his safe at UBS in Zurich. In the middle of intermediaries, such sprained blocking commissions by Jacques Chirac caused outrage and anger.DCN and some contacts with the Department of Defense are then threatened with retaliation. "The trail of a revenge cheated network, namely that of the Lebanese and Saudi Assir El Sheikh Ali bin Musalam, is more plausible, says a police officer in charge of the investigation. The two men were very close Pakistani intelligence services and Islamic terrorist networks. Musalam Ben Ali, who died in 2004, curiously, in unknown conditions, was known to fund the most radical movements in Pakistan. Was he the victim of a homo operation, execution, by the French at that time?
Other key information collected by the judges in the fall of 2004, surrounded by Clearstream affair, Boivin is ousted from all contracts for the DCN. Reason: it is feared that the money ventilated commissions, it filtered through a sub-account of the Clearstream bank (see note Gérard-Philippe Menai) is spotted and identified beneficiaries. Furious, Boivin threatens to reveal the contents of his trunk. He claims 8 million euros. The direction of the DCN refuses to pay, considering the exorbitant sum. Boivin wrote to Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy. According to Boivin, emissaries of the latter would have visited October 26, 2006, threatening him if he did not keep his tongue and if he does not destroy the famous documents locked in his safe in Zurich (see page document) . Boivin, frightened, then decided to make an appointment with Me Claude Arnaud, friend and partner of Nicolas Sarkozy over twenty years. The latter firmly rebuffed. That have said the two men?
A few weeks later, against the opinion of management of the DCN, Boivin the blackmailer is successful. In January 2007, a Memorandum of Understanding is signed on the Isle of Man between DCN, Thales and the French state. Since then, Luxembourg has been muted. What state secrets he will reveal to the judge Renaud Van Ruymbeke when it wants to hear? With Judge Trévidic, the magistrate Financial much left to do.From fishing to documents first. Retrieve the deliberations of the Constitutional Council, which in 1995 had approved the accounts of Edouard Balladur against the advice of rapporteurs (see article by Olivier Tosca).Then, to consolidate all documents "Secret Defense" that Nicolas Sarkozy has suddenly promised to deliver to the magistrates, whose eavesdropping on DGSE clan Balladur. And so, irony of history, Nicolas Sarkozy himself had been tapped in 1995? The King of hearings is just beginning …