BP busier than ever in the Gulf of Mexico

Four years later: BP busier than ever in the Gulf of Mexico

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HOUSTON — BP’s oil empire began to shrink many decades before a massive oil spill first fouled the Gulf of Mexico and then nearly toppled its industry reign four years ago Sunday.

Forty years ago, Saudi Arabia and other oil-rich states began to siphon BP’s 1 billion barrels of Middle Eastern oil — four-fifths of its reserves in 1975 — into state-owned companies like Saudi Aramco. That tightening grip on global oil is one big reason BP, even after the worst offshore oil spill in American history, is doubling down on the Gulf of Mexico.

The London oil company in 2012 sold stakes in three deep-water Gulf fields in part to collect cash for oil spill costs. But in the past year, BP has begun to regain its momentum and help push the U.S. deep-water region past its previous oil production peak, reached in 2009.

BP has rebuilt its armada of deep-water drilling rigs to nearly double its size before April 20, 2010, fired up three big expansion projects since last April and in March reached a deal with the federal government to lift a 16-month suspension from entering into new federal contracts for leases in Gulf oil fields.

“We’re fully back in,” said Richard Morrison, regional president of BP’s Gulf of Mexico business, in a recent interview with FuelFix.

Gulf growth: BP builds its largest-ever Gulf of Mexico fleet

The Gulf has become one of BP’s most profitable regions in the world, and the company has produced only about a fifth of the reserves from its four giant Gulf fields. Those, along with newly discovered ultradeep-water oil patches, “will keep our geologists and rigs busy for the next several decades,” Morrison said. “That’s why we have confidence in the future.”

It’s a turnaround that relieved many who had feared the deep water of the Gulf of Mexico would succumb to political entanglements and lose its status as a major oil lode.

The government put a moratorium on some deep-water operations for several months after the accident, and the aftermath of that suspension all but stopped BP and other producers’ drilling and well completions in 2011 and 2012.

But activity has picked up. Last April, BP started a major expansion project at its Atlantis North field. Two months ago, it boosted its daily oil crop at the Na Kika field southeast of New Orleans and reaped rewards from its partnership with Royal Dutch Shell, which started up production from its Olympus platform about 130 miles south of New Orleans.

By 2020, BP expects the Gulf to deliver a larger share of operating cash than any of its other regions.

Its large projects are among several slated to come online that will boost overall Gulf production 35 percent over the next two years, according to Wood Mackenzie.

The Houston-based research firm expects the region’s daily harvest to rise from 1.4 million barrels in 2014 to 1.9 million barrels in 2016 — its highest level ever  — boosted by projects including Hess Corp. and Anadarko Petroleum expansions planned this year, and by growing production from Noble Energy and Exxon Mobil’s fields.

Deep water: BP starts pumping crude at major Gulf project

Spending in the region could hit $17 billion this year, 20 percent over 2013, according to Wood Mackenzie.

BP has told investors it aims to spend $40 billion over the next decade expanding its Thunder Horse, Atlantis, Mad Dog and Na Kika fields and exploring for new discoveries in the Gulf. It also wants to boost its Gulf daily production from 189,000 barrels last year to 300,000 barrels in 2018.

With high-pressure wells that flow large volumes of oil, the Gulf is an attractive investment for BP and other companies that have the scale and technological capability to tackle massive deep-water oil fields, Morrison said.

But while the Gulf’s economics are attractive, Big Oil has been running out of alternatives for nearly half a century. BP, formerly British Petroleum, and other international oil companies had controlled nearly every drop of oil in the Middle East until the early 1970s, when tension between Britain and Libya culminated in the nationalization of BP’s oil assets in that North African nation.

Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, Iraq and other Arab states followed suit over the next decade, clamping down on reserves that international companies had developed after World War II. By 1983, the amount of oil that BP shipped out of the Middle East had fallen to less than 1 percent of the 1 billion barrels it had moved out of the region only eight years before.

By the end of the last decade, nationalized oil companies owned more than 85 percent of the world’s known oil reserves. And international oil giants were producing less than 25 percent of the world’s output, said Praveen Kumar, a University of Houston finance professor and executive director of the UH Global Energy Management Institute.

“That’s what’s driving these international oil companies to the Gulf of Mexico,” Kumar said. “They’ve essentially been shut out of ownership of the world’s known oil reserves. They’ve been aware since the 1990s that to grow production, they have to move into these technologically challenging locations.”

Gulf return: BP makes first bids on Gulf drilling rights since post-spill suspension

Those locations include extreme settings such as the massive Kashagan field in the Caspian Sea, near the coast of Kazakhstan, where a Big Oil consortium has struggled for years and spent $40 billion. Production there was delayed late last year after operators discovered a gas leak.

Yet the Gulf of Mexico has presented its own challenges.

Four years ago, BP’s Macondo well off the Louisiana cost blew out — killing 11 workers on the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig and spilling millions of barrels of oil into the ocean.

The disaster demonstrated how a single accident can inflict immense costs on a company and an entire region.

BP has spent billions of dollars on oil spill costs, raising the cash by selling $38 billion in assets in a program that cut half its pipelines, half its installations, 35 percent of its wells and 10 percent of its reserves.

BP CEO Bob Dudley has said the strategy will focus the company on creating value, rather than hanging on to low-margin volumes.

BP’s market value as of Friday was $151 billion — $32 billion below its level April 19, 2010.

Investors are watching for rulings from U.S. District Judge Carl Barbier of New Orleans, who is overseeing the tangle of litigation arising from the spill and eventually will set fines under the Clean Water Act that could reach $18 billion.

After the spill, federal regulators set stricter rules around deep-water drilling, including a requirement for weekly tests of blowout preventers — the stacks of valves and rams that sit at the top of a well as a final line of defense should pressure rise beyond operators’ control.

Legal clash: BP digs in as last leg of Gulf oil spill trial approaches

The requirement has slowed drilling operations and increased costs for many companies, said Nimmi Henderson, Wood Mackenzie’s lead analyst on the Gulf of Mexico upstream business.

“Companies are working with a new normal in the Gulf,” Henderson said, adding that some companies have equipped their rigs with secondary blowout preventers.

Still, BP continues to pour money into the region. In a federal auction last month, it spent $42 million to win 24 bids on new blocks in the Gulf of Mexico. That’s on top of its 620 lease blocks there, the largest position of any company in the Gulf.

The company’s rebound in the Gulf, however, would not be possible without first prioritizing increased safety on its deep-water rigs, Morrison said.

BP, he said, has sharpened its safety procedures and organizational structures since 2011. Over the past four years, it has cut by 75 percent the number of accidents that harm crew members or damage equipment.

“It has been a long journey working through procedures and really getting systematic in how we approach our business,” Morrison said. “If you keep your operations running safely, you’ll keep them running well.”

The Real “Islamist” Danger–Both Sunni and Shia Jihadis Are Looking To Meet the “Mahdi”

Syria Fighters Await Apocalypse

onislam
OnIslam & News Agencies
SyriaWar-Apocalyptic-prophecies

BEIRUT – As the Syria’s three-year conflict claims more lives every day, a growing number of Sunni and Shiite fighters are joining the expanding sectarian war, with each side claiming that the war is a mark for the end of time and apocalypse.

“If you think all these mujahideen came from across the world to fight Assad, you’re mistaken,” a Sunni Muslim jihadi who uses the name Abu Omar and fights in one of the many anti-Assad Islamist brigades in Aleppo told Reuters on Tuesday, April 1.

“They are all here as promised by the Prophet. This is the war he promised – it is the Grand Battle,” he added.

For rebel and pro-Assad fighters, the war that started in March 2011 was promised in the 7th century in prophecies by Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him).

Though the whole world is already weary and troubled by this brutal war, with its heavy toll in human lives, some of these fighters still believe they have religious backing in some of the Prophet’s hadiths

One hadith by Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) mentions Syria as a main battlefield, naming cities and towns where blood will be spilled.

Hundreds of thousands of people will be killed. The whole region will be shaken from the Arabian Peninsula to Iraq, Iran and Jerusalem, according to some texts.

Saudi Arabia will collapse. Almost every country in the Middle East will face unrest.

A widely circulated hadith attributed to Prophet Muhammad says Sham, or Syria, is God’s favored land. Asked where the next jihad will be, he replies: “Go for Sham, and if you can’t, go for Yemen …(though) God has guaranteed me Sham and its people.”

Another refers to Muslims gathering “at the time of war in Ghouta, near a city called Damascus”. Ghouta, east of Syria’s capital, has been a rebel stronghold for the last two years.

But many scholars maintain skepticism about these hadiths and their relevance and applicability to the current war.

With diplomatic talks failing to achieve any progress, the rhetoric of the end of time war in which two huge Islamic armies will confront for a great battle near Damascus was getting stronger.

“We have here mujahideen from Russia, America, the Philippines, China, Germany, Belgium, Sudan, India and Yemen and other places,” said Sami, a Sunni rebel fighter in northern Syria.

“They are here because this is what the Prophet said and promised, the Grand Battle is happening.”

“These hadith are what the Mujahideen are guided by to come to Syria, we are fighting for this. With every passing day we know that we are living the days that the Prophet talked about,” Mussab, a fighter from the Nusra Front, added.

Shiites Too

Syria war was not important for Sunni Muslims only, drawing thousands of Shiite fighters from Iran, Lebanon and Iraq.

According to Shiite tradition, an early sign of his return came with the 1979 Iranian revolution, which set up an Islamic state to provide fighters for an army led by the Mahdi to wage war in Syria after sweeping through the Middle East.

“This Islamic Revolution, based on the narratives that we have received from the prophet and imams, is the prelude to the appearance of the Mahdi,” Iranian scholar and parliamentarian Ruhollah Hosseinian said last year.

Hosseinian cited comments by an eighth century Shiite imam who said another sign of the Mahdi’s return would be a battle involving warriors fighting under a yellow banner, the color associated with Lebanon’s pro-Assad Hezbollah militia.

“As Imam Sadeq has stated, when the (forces) with yellow flags fight anti-Shiites in Damascus and Iranian forces join them, this is a prelude and a sign of the coming of his holiness,” Hosseinian was quoted as saying by Fars news agency.

This rhetoric has been attracting a growing number of Shiite fighters from different countries.

Murtada, a 27-year-old Lebanese Shiite who regularly goes to Syria to battle against the rebels, asserted that he is not fighting for Assad, but for the Mahdi, also known as the Imam.

“Even if I am martyred now, when he appears I will be reborn to fight among his army, I will be his soldier,” he told Reuters in Lebanon.

“Nothing is more precious than the Imam, even my family. It is our duty.”

Abbas, a 24-year-old Iraqi Shiite fighter, said he knew he was living in the era of the Mahdi’s return when the United States and Britain invaded Iraq in 2003.

“That was the first sign and then everything else followed,” he told Reuters from Baghdad, where he said was resting before heading to Syria for a fourth time.

“I was waiting for the day when I will fight in Syria. Thank God he chose me to be one of the Imam’s soldiers.”

Abu Hsaasan, a 65 year old pensioner from south Lebanon, said he once thought the prophecies of the end of days would take centuries to come about.

“Things are moving fast. I never thought that I would be living the days of the Imam. Now, with every passing day I am more and more convinced that it is only a matter of few years before he appears.”

Both Sunnis and Shiites emphasize the ultimate goal of establishing an Islamic state which will rule the world before total chaos.

However, there are many scholars on both sides who are skeptical whether the Prophet’s Hadiths apply on the current war.

“Yes some of the signs are similar but these signs could apply at any time after the fall of the Islamic state (1,000 years ago),” one Sunni Muslim scholar in Lebanon said, asking that he not be identified.

“There is no way to confirm we are living those times. We have to wait and see.”

Afghan Peace Talks Exposed–Agha Jan Mutasim Is A US Mole, Tayeb Aga IS Taliban Rep, and Brother Baradar Still Captive In Pakistan

Taliban denounces former senior official, deny talking peace

Mullah Mutasim arrives in Kabul from Dubai

[The mysterious other “important task” which the real Taliban rep in Qatar (Tayeb Aga) was dealing with, while the “parallel negotiations” show was being staged with the Mutasim group, probably pertained to reconvening the previously stalled TAPI pipeline negotiations between the Taliban and the Saudis, which had been led by Prince Turki (SEE: Is the Whirling Dervish of TAPI Politics Finally Spinning America’s Way? ).   Dragon Oil of Dubai has since then, ended-up owning the rights to the natural gas in the Turkmen area of the Caspian.  The “parallel negotiations” may have been with Dragon Oil, making potential plans for after the American withdrawal from Afghanistan.]

No role in ‘Dubai initiative’: Qatar-based Taliban leaders

gulf times

The Taliban office in Doha.-File photo

By Salman Siddiqui/Staff Reporter

The Qatar-based Afghan Taliban leaders have not participated at any level in the so-called ‘Dubai initiative’ even though some of their members were present in the UAE during that time to carry out another “important task” of the ‘Islamic Emirate’, a top Taliban source told Gulf Times.
The official, who chose to remain anonymous, requested not to reveal what and with whom the other “important” matter was discussed on behalf of the ‘Islamic Emirate’ in the UAE until the “right time” came.
He, however, stressed that the  Karzai-led administration in Kabul was trying its best to divide their ranks by using people  such as the “former official of The Islamic Emirate” Agha Jan Mutasim, but he said that all such ‘tactics’ would fail and only further complicate efforts of peace and stability in Afghanistan.
“It is true that Aga Jan Mutasim in the past had held senior posts in the Emirate, including that of finance minister and also headed our political delegation before Tayeb Aga was tasked with his present responsibilities, but it should be clear to everybody now that he is not one of us and has no authority whatsoever to speak on behalf of the Taliban leadership,” the source said.
Tayeb Aga, a close aide of Taliban chief Mullah Omar, was appointed as head of the Taliban delegation based in Qatar, when the group opened its political office in June last year. The office was “temporarily” shut down after the Taliban “boycotted” talks when differences arose over the naming of the office and hoisting of their flag.
The former Taliban senior official Agha Jan Mutasim moved to Turkey after he survived an assassination attempt in Karachi in 2010. Last February, he claimed to have organised a high-level meeting in Dubai that was attended by current and former senior Afghan Taliban leaders. Further, it was said that Karzai’s High Peace Council members also met with these Taliban officials to work out an acceptable solution to the Afghan crisis in the aftermath of the US and Nato troops withdrawal from Afghanistan post 2014.
The Afghan Taliban had also issued a formal rebuttal statement to deny the ‘Dubai initiative’ and said: “The Islamic Emirate has delegated officials and a political office to conduct its political activities and if a need arises for contacts with any party, a responsible organ will be tasked with the permission of its head, under the guidance of its leadership and on the practical needs of Jihad.”
The issue is clearly of trust as the Afghan Taliban officials believe that their former comrade Agha Jan Mutasim is being used against them by the current Afghan administration.
Speaking about another senior leader of the Taliban movement, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, who is regarded as the co-founder of the group along with Mullah Omar, the senior Taliban source told Gulf Times that all reports that he was set free by Pakistan were false.
“The entire world now knows that Mullah Barader was never set free and he remains in [Pakistan’s] custody,” he said.
The Taliban officials believe that extreme pressure was being applied on their senior leader Mullah Barader to join the camp of their erstwhile members such as Aga Jan Mutasim in Turkey in order to start a parallel peace process by sidelining the main Afghan Taliban leadership.
“But all their efforts have so far failed and Mullah Barader has remained loyal to the cause and refused to give in to any pressure,” the source said.
Also, the Taliban believe that the Karzai-led  administration “in cahoots with Pakistan” was still trying to change the location of their talks from Qatar to Turkey and Saudi Arabia. “We chose Qatar to open our political office only because of its role as a neutral mediator and any plans to forcibly change the location of talks will only lead to failure of the peace process,” he said.